The reconciliation between Barbarossa and Pope Alexander III

This week we will talk about the great peace conference in Venice where Barbarossa is finally reconciled with the papacy, the Lombards and the Sicilians.It is also the time he has to bend the knee before his implacable foe, Pope Alexander III in a grand ceremony before all of Europe.

Transcript

Hello and Welcome to the History of the Germans: Episode 61 – The Peace of Venice

This week we will talk about the great peace conference in Venice where Barbarossa is finally reconciled with the papacy, the Lombards and the Sicilians.It is also the time he has to bend the knee before his implacable foe, Pope Alexander III in a grand ceremony before all of Europe.

As before there is an episode website at historyofthegermans.com/61-2 where you can find the transcript, maps and images to follow along. And by the way I have finally re-recorded episode 59, now sniffle free, 14 days later.

Before we start just a reminder. The History of the Germans Podcast is advertising free thanks to the generous support from patrons. And you can become a patron too and enjoy exclusive bonus episodes and other privileges from the price of a latte per month. All you have to do is sign up at patreon.com/historyofthegermans or on my website historyofthegermans.com. You find all the links in the show notes. And thanks a lot to Stephanie, Erika and Sean who have already signed up.

Let‘s go back where we left off last week. On June 5th 1176 Barbarossa re-appears in Pavia having lost the encounter with the Milanese at Legnano. His armour, sword and lance as well as his treasure had been left on the field of battle. Even though he still had some military capabilities left, his campaign had hit the end of the road.

Like in 1167/68 after the loss of the army before Rome, the emperor goes incommunicado. Just once charter is produced in the 6 months following Legnano. We hear about illness, possibly another bout of Malaria.

It is at this stage that Barbarossa finally gives up on his imperial dreams. He gives his archbishops, namely Wichman of Magdeburg and Christian of Mainz Carte Blanche to negotiate with Pope Alexander III. When I say Carte Blanche, I mean full authority to bind the emperor. Barbarossa swears to honour whatever his envoys agree with the pope.

Wichmann v. Magdeburg

Such a fundamental abrogation of control requires an explanation. Cardinal Boso reported that quote “Indeed all the Princes of his Kingdom, both ecclesiastical and secular, who until that time had followed Frederick in his errors, told him that unless he made peace with the Church they would follow him no longer, nor give him any aid” unquote. Boso as a partisan of Alexander III is not the most reliable source when it comes to the inner workings of the empire. But on this occasion, he may be right.

Barbarossa’s reign in Northern Italy was entirely built on military might. The secular princes have stopped supporting this effort after the catastrophe of 1167. Money for Mercenaries had run out in 1176. His only source of soldiers were the bishops.

The bishops, in particular those who had been former members of the imperial chancery were personally loyal to the emperor and the imperial agenda in Italy. But on ecclesiastical matters they were more and more leaning towards Alexander III. That is not much of a surprise given Barbarossa himself made little efforts to boost his antipope Calixtus III and had opened negotiations with Alexander before. After the string of defeats that could easily be seen as God’s judgement on the imperial position in the schism, the bishops now wanted reconciliation with the pope before it was too late. And Barbarossa had no option other than to accept.

He tried to keep the initiative and proposed a church council for both Alexander III and Calixtus III to attend and where Alexander III would then be declared the true pope. But nobody responded. Events have run away from him.

The bishops meet Alexander III’s negotiators in Agnani in October 1177. The envoys kicking off the discussion by saying, according to Boso quote “’Our lord the Emperor, being most desirous to grant you and the Church of Rome true peace, has sent us with plenary powers to your presence and urgently requests that that agreement of concord and peace, which last year your brothers negotiated with him and which has remained through his fault a dead letter, be now concluded by us and with your consent, under the protection of God, and in every detail.” And here is the response, again according to Boso: “When this message had been heard in public the kindly Pope with a joyful and calm appearance replied: ‘We rejoice at your arrival and the happy tidings that you bring, and for these reasons give thanks to God Almighty. In the visible world there is no message that falls so sweetly upon our ears as the news that the Emperor, your lord, whom we recognize as first amongst the princes of the world, wishes, as you declare, to give us true peace. But if he wishes to give us and the Roman Church full peace, he must grant it also to all our allies, and in particular to the King of Sicily, the Lombards, and to the Emperor in Constantinople, who stood unshakeably with us during the trials of the Church.’ The envoys both assented to and praised this speech of the Pontiff Pope” unquote

Agnani Papal Palace

Negotiations lasted 2 weeks and were conducted in secret. In the final document that emerged the empire conceded to almost every one of Alexander’s demands.

Barbarossa, his wife and his son Henry accept Alexander III as the one and only true pope and promise to show him the reverence due to him. There are no specifics set out how that reverence is to be shown.

The bulk of the agreement is taken up with the resolution of temporal matters, i.e, what the pope owns and what the emperor has to return to him..

In particular Barbarossa is to return all the papal regalia that the Holy church held during the reign of Innocent II, which is another way of saying that Barbarossa had to drop the Roman Commune and return the title of prefect of Rome he had taken in 1167. That made the pope again the sovereign ruler of Rome, assuming he can dislodge the Senate.

Further the Lands of Matilda were to go back to the pope as were all the lands and property of any church the emperor may have acquired during the schism.

Finally reconciliation with the papacy was conditional upon the conclusion of peace agreements with the Lombards, the King of Sicily and emperor Manuel.

This looks like a clean sweep for the papacy, though there were a few things that the imperial negotiators managed to obtain. They obtained the recognition of the archbishops Christian of Mainz and Phillip of Cologne. Both Christian and Philipp had been installed by the antipopes or a bishop installed by an antipope. Alexander had appointed his own archbishop of Mainz, Conrad. The deal they came up with was that Conrad would give up Mainz but would be first in line for the next vacant archbishopric. Christian would publicly burn the pallium, the symbol of his office that he had received from anti pope Paschalis III and receive a new one from Alexander III.

Phillipp v. Heinsberg grave in the cathedral of Cologne

This was a pragmatic and ultimately inevitable solution. Completely unwinding a schism would be catastrophic. Imagine every ordination by a schismatic bishop was declared invalid, at which point the sacraments of the priests so ordained would also be invalid. And that in turn means that anyone who say had been baptised by a schismatic priest and later died would end up in purgatory through no fault of their own. That could not be and as we have seen in previous schism, most of the schismatic bishops and priests remained and their sacraments were considered valid. Hence this was a concession, but not a major one.

The pope also promised to crown the empress Beatrice, which was even less of a concession since it it only worked if Barbarossa had gained control of Rome for the pope first. This being a challenge,  all it meant was that by inference the previous coronation of Beatrice was now invalid.

One part of the imperial negotiation strategy had been to conclude a final peace agreement with Alexander, which is why the envoys had unlimited power to bind the emperor. A final peace with the pope would have split the anti-imperial coalition. But they did not get that. Angnani was only a preliminary settlement, subject to a broader peace agreement that included the Lombard League, William of Sicily, and emperor Manuel. These peace agreements should be negotiated again by each party appointing arbiters. Until this peace was finally concluded, Barbarossa was to observe a truce with all parties.

The preliminary accord of Agnani was not far short of an unconditional surrender. It shows either how desperate Barbarossa’s position had become or how keen the bishops were to remove the shadow of deposition.

Just to lighten the mood, there is a human-interest story here as well. Both pope Alexander and Barbarossa praise the efforts of several Carthusian monks in bringing about peace, without explaining in detail what they had done. Cardinal Boso, who was present at the negotiations does not mention them at all. But they must have somehow be involved.  Now one of them was Dietrich of Silve-Benite. He pops up at the most unexpected junctures. He was there when Barbarossa fled across Mont Cenis in 1168 and he is again on hand at this difficult point in Barbarossa’s life doing who knows what. He will be involved in the upcoming negotiations as well, which is very unusual for a member of the Carthusian order, an order that vows to live a life of silence, solitude and prayer. Carthusians are normally prohibited from receiving guests, meeting people outside their monastery and even  seeing their family more than once a year. How come that Dietrich of Silve-Benite is there, at one of the largest political gatherings of his time.  Barbarossa himself  gives a hint when he calls him „sprouted from our lineage“ and Dietrich calls himself „ of the house and lineage of the great Frederick“. In other words he was most likely Barbarossa’s natural son, born to an unknown mother in the 1140s. It is one of those bewildering things about Barbarossa that we hear nothing about any premarital or extramarital relationships. In fact, except for Henry IV and then later Frederick II, these medieval emperors were an exceedingly chaste bunch. Contemporary French kings are famous for their excessive piety and sexual incontinence – none of that in the chronicles of these monarchs. I find that very hard to believe, in particular with Barbarossa who was unmarried for a period during his late 20s and apparently was later quite infatuated with his very beautiful wife Beatrix of Burgundy.

Marriage of Frederick Barbarossa and beatrix of Burgundy, as imagined by Tintoretto

Moving on from potential sexual frustration to actual deep political frustration. The news of some sort of agreement between the pope and emperor leads to anxiety amongst the Lombards who fear that they have been left out of the peace agreement. The most anxious of all of them are the Cremonese whose position within the League is already extremely precarious and hence needs imperial support. They invite Barbarossa to stay with them and even promise him to accompany him to the Lands of Matilda. Why Barbarossa accepts that invitation is a bit unclear. It may well be that even the rich city of Pavia has run out of patience feeding the imperial entourage. Anyway, by December 1176 we find Barbarossa in the monastery of S. Agata in Cremona.

Having secured the emperor, the Cremonese come up with ever more audacious schemes. First they dig up the long superseded peace of Montebello that had made them the mediators between the League and the emperor. Based on that they issue a second mediation award which is largely identical to the first one but guarantees the existence of Alessandria. That did backfire both ways as the Lombards were expecting more, and the imperials still cannot stomach the existence of Alessandria.

This being a lead balloon they try something else. The way the Cremonese tell the story, they had received the emperor with all the honours due to his rank and in exchange, Barbarossa had promised to protect the city should they fall out with the League. Barbarossa was to send 1000 German knights for the defence of Cremona.

Barbarossa will later blame Cremona for all the misfortunes he had experienced in Italy since 1155. As for 1177, he says the Cremonese did not provide as much as loaf of bread for the upkeep of his entourage. Instead, they harassed and harangued the effectively defenceless emperor. They demand the transfer of two important castles, Guastella and Luzzara, threatening to kill him. Only by God’s grace did he manage to escape from Cremona without signing any of these charters, even though his frightened princes urged him to grant them all they wanted. That old alliance between Cremona and the empire is broken.

Barbarossa then begins an itineration around central Italy where he can be found in Modena, Pesaro, Ravenna waiting for the final peace negotiations to begin.

What looked like a smooth process in Agnani turns out to be a lot more complex in reality. The fractious Lombard League sees conspiracies everywhere. Yes, the pope has sworn that he had not signed a binding peace with the emperor, but can they really believe this. Cremona and Tortona have left the League and sided with the emperor. What do they know?

All the paranoia culminates in the question where to hold these four-way negotiations.

In Agnani the parties had agreed Ravenna as the location. But the Lombard League bans any bishops from crossing their territory en route to Ravenna. With Ravenna out, Bologna is suggested, but that does not work for the imperials who had besieged Bologna recently and feared to be lynched when they come into town. Venice was the next suggestion, but the Lombards were opposed because Venice had helped Christian of Mainz to besiege Ancona in violation of the league treaty. Sounds complex, it is.

In the end the Pope, William of Sicily and Barbarossa agree on Venice and the Doge of Venice promises the Lombards that Barbarossa would not be allowed in the city until the peace is concluded. That reassures the Lombards in so far as Barbarossa will not be able to use his prestige and personal charm to influence the outcomes.

And so for the next couple of months Barbarossa wonders about central Italy whilst his destiny is decided in the Serenissima. It could be worse. Emperor Manuel had been unceremoniously dropped from the proceedings after his devastating defeat against the Turks at Myriokephalon. And again, if you want to hear this story from the other side of the Mediterranean, check out episode 244 of the history of Byzantium.

With that the first international peace congress in Europe gets under way. One source claims 8,400 participants had taken part and names some 5000 by name, the crème de la crème of Europe, each trying to outshine the other.  The archbishop of Cologne comes with 400 secretaries, chaplains and attendants, the patriarch of Aquileia has 300, as did Mainz and Magdeburg, count roger of Andria, representing the king of Sicily came with an entourage of 330, duke Leopold of Austria could only muster a paltry 160 knights and attendants..

Pope Alexander III arrives on May 10th 1177 and is offered the palace of the patriarch in San Silvestro, a building that must have been very large and impressive but is almost completely lost today. It is inside the patriarchal chapel of this building that negotiations for a lasting peace took place.

All that is left of the Ca de papa, the house of the Pope

Pope Alexander was in charge of proceedings and proposed that first item on the agenda should be the peace between the emperor and the Lombard League. The two items that needed to be resolved were the Imperial regalia, i.e, the rights and privileges the emperor held in Northern Italy and the status of Alessandria. The imperial side began by offering options. Option one was the acceptance of the laws of Roncaglia and option two was to retore imperial control to what it was under king Henry IV. Option one was immediately dismissed, leaving option 2.

The counterproposal from the League was the rights and privileges as they existed under Henry V.

That does not sound like a massive gap since Henry IV had spent half his reign wondering around Italy begging cities for help. But that is something we know. The negotiators in 1177 had no idea what rights and privileges Henry IV or Henry V for that matter actually enjoyed. It was an elaborate form of shadow boxing with two blindfolded fighters. And there was also no compromise visible for Alessandria.

After a couple of weeks of to and fro, Pope Alexander decided that all this was just too complex to resolve within the timeframe of the congress. Hence he proposed a six year truce with the Lombard League and a 15 year truce with the Sicilians. And the agreement of Agnani should be incorporated into this treaty in full.

When his negotiators brought the proposal to Barbarossa he threw a full blown tantrum. He did not want a truce. The reason he did not want a truce was optics, nothing else. Barbarossa knew that when the treaty will be concluded, he will have to go to Venice and pay homage to the pope. If a treaty could be concluded with the Lombards, they would then have to repeat the procedure at Montebello, i.e, kneel before the emperor with their swords pointing at their hearts before receiving the kiss of peace. That way both the pope and the emperor would be able to stage their honour and prestige before the eyes of all of Europe.

We have to remember that the medieval public never saw the treaties and agreements that underpinned the peace. All they see is the way the peace is staged. Who kneels to who, how deep, with or without shoes, wearing which clothes. And what they see is what they will tell their friends at home about. And that becomes the political reality, irrespective of whatever concessions have been made.

Hence it made sense for Barbarossa to get upset about the truce. But what could he do. He did contemplate to go to Venice himself, against the explicit order of the pope and the doge and try to sway the negotiations. But that would only have resulted in a break-up of the peace congress and resumption of hostilities. That was something the German princes would not let him do.

But he needed to be granted something and it may be that the representatives of France and England put some pressure on Alexander III to get this over the line. So Pope Alexander allowed Barbarossa to keep the Lands of Matilda for another fifteen years, essentially until such time as the truce with William of Sicily was to run. These two things may have nothing to do with each other, but it sounded somewhat neat.

And that was it. On July 22nd the delegates signed the final draft. It was a rickety arrangement that left pretty much everyone disappointed. Milan and other members of the league felt betrayed by Pope Alexander, the pope may be regretting the handover of the Lands of Matilda, but worse off was Barbarossa who was dreading what was coming now.

We let Cardinal Boso take it from here:

Quote: “And so when these matters had been brought to completion in this way, the Pontiff released the Doge and the people of Venice from the oath which bound them, and instructed them to escort the Lord Emperor with due ceremony into their city. The Doge hastened to fulfil this instruction, and with due honours and ceremony brought the Emperor to the monastery of St. Nicholas on the Lido in six galleys which he had made ready. On the following day on the Vigil of St. James, when morning was at its height, the Pope sent to the Emperor the Bishops of Ostia, Porto and Praeneste, [Hu., G., and M., with I., Cardinal Priest of the title of Santa Anastasia; T., Cardinal Priest of the title of Santa Vitalia; P., Cardinal Priest of the title of Santa Susanna, and I., Cardinal Deacon of the title of St. Mary in Cosmidin.] They came into the presence of the Emperor, and after he had renounced the Schism of Octavian, Guy of Crema, and John of Strumi,[these were the antipopes]  and promised obedience to the venerable Pope Alexander as to the first Person in Christendom and to his successors who would enter on their office according to the canon. Upon that they absolved him from the sentence of excommunication that had been passed upon him and made him once more Part of the unity of the Catholic Church. Some of the more important Princes of his Empire made the Same renunciation according to the ancient custom of the Church.

 Thereupon the Emperor, like the orthodox prince that he now was, approached the presence of the Same Pontiff, who was enthroned with his Archbishops, Bishops, and Cardinals before the doors of St. Mark’s; and in the sight of all who awaited the benefit of the peace he put off his cloak and bowed down to the ground, and after kissing the Pope’s feet just as if they were those of the first of the Apostles, in verity he most devoutly administered the kiss of peace to him. Then were all filled with great joy, and from the excess of their $adness the sound of their chanting of the Te Deum rose up to the skies. But the august monarch, taking the Pontiff by his right hand, and amid chants and hymns of praise led him to the choir of the church, and there reverently received with bowed head the blessing from his hand.”

(Venice) Il Barbarossa bacia il piede al Papa – Federico Zuccari – Sala del Maggior Consiglio

On the next day, the feast of St. James the Apostle, the Pope returned to the Same church, and being about to celebrate the rites of the Mass with a joyous procession of Patriarchs, Cardinals, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons and the other orders of the Church, he drew near to the altar. The Emperor took his place in the choir, and the German clergy began in clear voices to chant the Introit of the Mass, and with all jubiliation carried out the whole chanting of the service. After the Gospel and the homily, the Emperor once again, together with his Princes, bowed down in a most devout fashion, opened his treasures and, after kissing Alexander’s feet, made him an offering of gold. When the Mass had been celebrated, Frederick took the Pontiff by the right hand and conducted him outside to his white horse and held his stirrup with a strong grip. But when he took the reins and made as if to carry out the duties of a marshal, the Pope accepted in his loving manner the intention for the deed, since the journey to the sea seemed to him to be rather long. End quote

Barbarossa will remain in Venice until September 17th, almost 6 weeks regularly meeting Pope Alexander and kissing his feet. The peace agreement is re-signed again and again, and princes are made to deliver oaths on it again and again. The emperor finally receives papal permission to leave.

As always with German history, the significance of the events of the peace of Venice are heavily disputed.

Let’s start with the first observation, there is no contemporary source from Germany that describes the events in front of the church of San Marco. About 50 years after these events a German monk tells the story that Count Dietrich of Lusatia had intervened when Pope Alexander had hesitated to raise the emperor from his prostration suggesting that the submission to the pope was considered humiliating to Barbarossa. Things got worse when papal propaganda in the 13th century embellished events. Thomas of Pavia, a Franciscan Monk reported that Pope Alexander had put his foot on Barbarossa‘s neck and quoted Psalm 91.13  “Thou shalt walk upon the asp and the basilisk: and thou shalt trample under foot the lion and the dragon.”

Protestant propaganda from teh 16th century

By the late Middle Ages the image of the emperor kneeling before an imperious pope had become the central memory of the peace of Venice. During the Reformation the image of the pope putting his foot on the neck of the German ruler played a major role in anti-papal propaganda. In 1617 a German paster wondered why no honest German man had shown the heroic effort to plunge a dagger into the heart of this son of a dot,dot,dot pope Alexander.

The story turned in the 19th century. This image of the mythical hero Barbarossa being humiliated was simply impossible to swallow. One Canossa was enough. Hence historians began weaving a sophisticated net or arguments that Knut Goerich called a second historical reality. In that reality, Barbarossa was a superior negotiator who managed to turn the military defeat into an ultimately manageable result. The kneeling before the pope and strator service weren’t a humiliation, but no more than the usual reference to be granted the pope.

The pendulum has now swung back and many contemporaries see Venice as the final submission of the imperial dream under the triumphant papacy. Best quote is “Canossa lasted just 3 days but the degradation before Alexander III went on for a 100 days”.

Do I have an opinion? Sure I do. The emperor prostrating himself before the pope is showing to everyone publicly that he is recognising the papal authority and accepts that the pope is superior. This is the end of the idea that the empire and the emperor is equal in rank and independent from the recognition by the pope.

But I also think that Venice was ultimately a decent, if not actually a good deal for the Hohenstaufen. Whether that was due to Barbarossa’s negotiation skills or the more realistic perspective of his princes, mainly of Christian of Mainz does not realty matter. Barbarossa can retain some level of influence over Northern Italy and gains more room to manoeuvre now he is no longer excommunicated.

But it goes beyond that. Venice is a hugely important event. The concept of the Holy Roman Empire as conceived initially by Rainald von Dassel and Barbarossa that is now dead. The name remains but underneath is now Plan B. And plan B is building dynastic power. Once Barbarossa is back in Germany, he will continue his aggressive policy of territorial expansion. As he does that, he no longer has any moral authority to stop the other princes from pursuing the same strategy. It started before but after 1177 the big carving up of the empire goes into overdrive. Aristocratic families who have gained a leading position such as the House of Welf, the Luxembourgs, the Wittelsbach, the Wetting and the Askanier will dominate for the next centuries and those who have not yet moved into the top tier like the Habsburgs and Hohenzollern have only another few decades  to get into the game..

As for Italy, the truce with the Lombard league will lead to a more sustained peace 6 years later, a peace that will completely rejig the alliances, turning Milan from foe to friend.. But the most significant dynastic impact results from the truce with Siciliy. How that happened is going to be the subject of next weeks episode. I hope to see you then.

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Barbarossa’s final defeat in Italy

This week we talk about the next leg in this the fifth Italian campaign Barbarossa undertakes. It involves an aborted battle, attempts at peace, a mediation award, a refusal of support and the most significant battle of not just his reign but one that reverberates into the present day.

Transcript

Hello and Welcome to the History of the Germans, Episode 60 – Legnano

This week we talk about the next leg in this the fifth Italian campaign Barbarossa undertakes. It involves an aborted battle, attempts at peace, a mediation award, a refusal of support and the most significant battle of not just his reign but one that reverberates into the present day.

Before we start just a reminder. The History of the Germans Podcast is advertising free thanks to the generous support from patrons. And you can become a patron too and enjoy exclusive bonus episodes and other privileges from the price of a latte per month. All you have to do is sign up at patreon.com/historyofthegermans or on my website historyofthegermans.com. You find all the links in the show notes. And thanks a lot to Gary, Wesley and Randolph who have already signed up.

Last week we ended with Barbarossa abandoning the siege of Alessandria. Leaving behind the burning ambers of his exceedingly expensive siege engines and the graves of the soldiers who had burned to death inside them, he headed back to Pavia to lick his wounds.

Going back to Pavia is all fine, but not a way to defeat the Lombard league. The Lombard League that Barbarossa is up against in 1176 had evolved quite a bit from the purely defensive alliance formed in 1167. You remember that in 1167 the Lombard cities came together to protect each other against the ever-increasing imperial demands for taxes, soldiers and ultimate direct control of the cities. Its members had been archenemies who had been tied up in incessant internal fighting ever since the communes had been created in the 11th century. But the resistance against the laws of Roncaglia had unified them. They even worked together to resurrect Milan, the previous hegemon of Lombardy that had razed many of its fellow league members to the ground before.

White bit is Pavia!

What is most remarkable is that the Lombard League did not fall apart after Barbarossa had fled across the alps having lost his army and his allies in Italy. For six years he was brooding beyond the alps, but six years is a long time in politics.

Instead of falling apart, the Lombard league firmed up even more and developed its own institutions. The league was led by two rectors whose role it was to coordinate league activities and act as commanders in war. The League also resolved disputes between its members, for instance over property and control of territory. As time went by the League became a customs union abolishing all tolls and customs duties between the cities. The League was certainly not a state had become a political entity in its own right.

At its heart however the League was first and foremost a pledge of mutual support. An attack on one member was an attack on all and all members of the league were required to bring relief.

And that is happening now. The League army was  on its way to relieve Alessandria. Let’s take the story up with Cardinal Boso who wrote, quote: in the dawn of Easter Sunday he (Barbarossa that is) made his way with all his men towards Pavia. But since he could not avoid cutting across the Lombard army’s lines, he wanted to encamp near the Lombards in the village which is known as Santa Giulietta. He did not fear that he would be attacked by them, unless he himself provoked them to battle. The Lombards had not yet discovered what Almighty God had on the previous day wrought with the aid of Alessandria. When they saw Frederick coming against them with flying standards, they took up arms and manfully stood there in armour before him, prepared to do battle. But at first, they were watching what he would decide to do, whether he would start to fight (which seemed unlikely because he had much fewer men than they had) or whether he would set up camp peacefully and harm nobody.  End quote

On easter Sunday the two armies were still three miles apart near the town of Montebello. Then the Lombard cities brought their men and their great Carrioccos, the enormous war carts that symbolised the cities freedom and honour across the little rive that separated the armies. Barbarossa for his part also moved closer.

That gradual approach showed how little eagerness either side had for the battle. Barbarossa knew that his army was still demoralised from the failure to take Alessandria, the desertions and the utter misery of its muddy winter camp. But the Lombards themselves weren’t sure they want to go up against one of Europe’s most successful generals either. Even though Barbarossa had lost his great army before Rome, that had not been due to a military defeat, but due to disease. So far Barbarossa had a clean sheet on the field of battle. And there must be in the back of their minds the thought about the downside risk for the league. If the joint army were to be beaten, how long before the old imperial allies, Cremona, Lodi, Bergamo, Como, Vercelli, Novara sink back into the warm embrace of their Holy sovereign?

It was time for cooler heads to prevail. Communication lines were opened by the Malaspina family, whose patriarch was in the League’s camp whilst his son served the emperor. This is one of the earlier incidents of the kinds of split bets many Italian families made to preserve their wealth and position during the rolling waves of invasions over the next couple of centuries.

Inside the Castello Malaspina in Fosdinovo – now a guest house: https://www.castellodifosdinovo.it/en/

With channels opened, the parties met to hammer out a deal. On the imperial side the legation consisted of the usual sea of bishops led by Philipp of Cologne, Conrad Count Palatinate and the inevitable Otto von Wittelsbach. On the Lombard side there were one representative each of the 15 cities of the league plus the two rectors and commanders of the Leagues’ army, Anselmo da Dovara and Ezzelino Romano. That makes 17 negotiators on one side and ~7 on the other. And what they were to agree upon was detailed, complex, and contentious, in essence the rights and privileges of the emperor in Italy.

The imperial position is that the laws of Roncaglia go back to Ancient Rome and are eternal and unaffected by recent events. Hence the emperor has all the rights listed at the time by the four great lawyers. And anyway, as the fountain of all laws and jurisdiction, he can impose new obligations if he so chooses.

The communal side is happy to pay this emperor what they had paid the emperor Henry V, last of the Salian rulers. Since nobody really remembered any details of Henry V’s reign nor the exact set of obligations they had towards him, the bottom line was that they wanted to go back to the days of absentee imperial overlordship and were prepared to give the emperor a nickel a year.

Big gap to bridge and very little time. Hence instead of aiming high and going for a permanent peace treaty, they agreed on a procedure by which a peace treaty should be arrived at. That procedure consisted in two steps. First a committee made up of three members from each side would negotiate a settlement. Where agreement cannot be reached, the disputed issue would be brought to the consuls of Cremona for a binding mediation award.

Why Cremona? Cremona had not sent troops against the emperor in Alessandria and had been the closest imperial ally in Italy after Pavia. On the other hand, Cremona was still a member of the Lombard League. All that made them closest thing to a neutral party in the whole of Italy. Normally this job would have gone to the pope, but Pope Alexander was no neutral party at all but firmly in the League‘s camp.

Though all that had been agreed was a truce and a route towards an agreement, both sides wanted to enact the formal ceremony as if an actual peace agreement had been concluded. And that involved two things. The Italian communes would submit to the emperor so he could re-admit them back into his grace. The emperor on the other hand had would grant not just the city representatives, but also the two rectors of the Lombard league the kiss of peace.

It is obvious why Barbarossa wanted the first part. After the setback before Alessandria, he needed something that restored the honour and standing of the empire. What could be better than having the leaders of the Lombard League kneeling before him with their swords pointing at their hearts asking for forgiveness.

Why are the Lombards prepared to give him that just for the kiss of peace? By granting the kiss of peace to the two rectors in their capacity as representatives of the Lombard league, the empire formally recognises its existence. Before the kiss of peace in the eyes of the world, the league was an agreement between several communes, but after the kiss it was an institution in its own right recognised by the emperor. It is a bit like when separatist movements are asking for diplomatic recognition for their new political entity. That, they thought was worth kneeling for. And this time they could probably have a cushion for their weary knees and can keep their shoes on.

Kiss of peace

Having gone through the motions, both sides dismissed their armies. The mercenaries returned to their homes in Brabant, plundering and steeling along the way. The Carrioccos carrying the cities’ pride and honour rattled home on what had remained of the roman road network of antiquity

And they lived happily ever after….ah, no, they didn’t. Come on, this is the History of the Germans. No way we go home without some decent bloodshed, tragedy and humiliation.

As every marriage counsellor knows, going through the kiss and make up stuff before you have resolved the underlying issue may result in a great night, but you still wake up with the same headache. And one headache was even more searing than taxes, jurisdictions, Roman law, podestas, or regalia, and that was the wretched city of Alessandria.

Alessandria’s mere existence was an insult to imperial dignity. Alessandria has to go. Non-negotiable said the three imperial representatives. 

Alessandria is a city, a creation and a full member of the Lombard League. Alessandria has to remain. Non-negotiable said the three representatives of the communes.

From then on the discussions are split into the general negotiations and the “issue of Alessandria” that is passed on to the consuls of Cremona.

And the consuls of Cremona decide – dramatic pause – for Alessandria to be dismantled. If you have asked yourself these last 10 episodes, why have I never heard much about Cremona before, apart from it being a great musical centre and the home of the greatest violin makers like Amati, Rugeri, Guameri and Stradivari? The answer is right here. When Cremona sided with Barbarossa, the other members of the Lombard league are apoplectic. Never again will they trust Cremona and though Cremona remains a member of the league for some time longer, it’s influence is much diminished. And they did not even get their pay out for changing sides. The Germans too see the award as  a case of Italian falsehood and duplicity, a prejudice that takes hold in this period and persists until today.

Cremona – worth going

Objectively Cremona had good reason to side with Barbarossa. Milan had become ever more powerful within the league and Cremona was getting uncomfortable. Rebuilding bridges with the emperor would help them secure their gains, basically the land that used to be the city of Crema. Rational it was, yes, politically astute, not at all.

Though both parties had agreed they would respect the award by the consuls of Cremona irrespective of outcome, neither side seemed to have intended to do it after all. The representatives of the league are said to have torn the award charter to shreds. Barbarossa on the other hand was gathering troops to flatten Alessandria even before the award had come through.

With the award granting him the right to raze Alessandria to the ground, Barbarossa went to work. He secured help from Pisa and Genoa and even convinced Tortona to leave the League and join the imperial side. Remember that Barbarossa had besieged and destroyed Tortona in 1155 by poisoning their wells. Another „not his finest hour“ moments. But the people of Tortona were prepared to let bygones be bygones if only the emperor could get rid of Alessandria whose competition was beginning to impact Tortona’s trade.

Another piece of good news comes from the south where Archbishop Christian of Mainz had been waging war across Tuscany and the papal states. In Early 1176  he managed to defeat a Sicilian army that was on its way to strengthen the League’s hand. 

But if he wanted to put serious pressure on the league and regain more than the most basic regalia in Italy, he needed to raise an army in Germany. He had sent Philipp archbishop of Cologne and one of his closest advisors across the alps to bring him fresh troops. Philipp found this hard going. The secular princes apart from absolute Barbarossa loyalists pointed to all the losses in men and material they had already suffered and refused. This being the fifth campaign, there was no longer any feudal obligation to come across and help. All that Philipp could muster was probably 1,000 to 2,000 knights, mainly from bishoprics subordinate to Cologne and Magdeburg.

In the meantime, Barbarossa had broken another city out of the Lombard league, Como. The defection of Como was a major coup because Como controlled the entry to several crucial alpine passes. Not having to go around the long way via Burgundy and Savoy dramatically increased the ability to bring down reinforcements. It also meant that communication with Germany improved dramatically. Realising the German lay princes would not send reinforcements on the scale necessary to achieve any of his objectives, he redoubled his efforts to convince them and leant especially  heavily on Henry the Lion to send help.

Como is at the end of St. Gotthard and San Bernardino passes as well as several others

Now the next bit is heavily disputed, but on balance probably true.

In February 1176 Barbarossa meets with Henry the Lion in person, most probably in the small town of Chiavenna halfway between Italy and Germany. Barbarossa begs Henry to provide him with an army and even prostrates himself before the duke. We have encountered this act before. Henry II prostrated himself before his bishops to force the creation of the bishopric of Bamberg, Emperor Conrad II prostrated himself before his son, Henry III to gain support in his deposition of the duke of Carinthia. Imperial prostration is an act of last resort. It was impossible to refuse someone of superior rank who had so humiliated himself. Refusal would turn the pretend humiliation into a real one. If rejected, the pleading emperor‘s honour does not leave any other option than lethal revenge. Henry the Lion must know this but still refuses the request.

Barbarossa Kneeeling before Henry the Lioon (14th century image)

Before we go to the consequences of this act, the first question is why he would do that. It sounds like madness. As we heard last episode and several times before, the mutual support between Henry the Lion and Barbarossa was not only the capstone of the imperial peace but also enormously beneficial to Henry. Henry had become duke of Bavaria thanks to Barbarossa’s efforts, and he had enjoyed imperial support in establishing king-like power in Saxony. Inviting the wrath of the emperor would give and will give support to his enemies and undermines his position. The relationship had soured a bit when Barbarossa made moves on the lands of Henry’s uncle, Welf VI and other minor inheritance dispute, but that is business as usual.

Some historians argue Henry the Lion had been afraid that he may die in Italy as so many others had in 1167. His son and heir was still a child and he remembered how the House of Welf had lost so much of its position during his own infancy. Moreover his wife Matilda was also still young and a foreigner making her regency even more precarious. But that is not a valid reason to refuse a supplicant ruler by any stretch. So maybe he believed Frederick would perish in Italy before he could take revenge on him.

The alternative explanation is that the two had met and Barbarossa never fell to his knees but they had a straightforward conversation in which Henry the Lion pointed out that he was under no further feudal obligation to come along. And by the way these Italian campaigns are completely useless. The best value for money was to go east, massacre some Slavs, take their lands and religion and make it your own.

And finally there is the possibility that the meeting never happened, as many have argued.

Whether or not it happened or how it happened, the story of the emperor begging his duke for help in vain was repeated and reproduced a thousand times and became part of the Welf versus Hohenstaufen, the Guelph versus Ghibelline narrative, blaming Henry the Lion for what happens next.

Barbarossa is back in Pavia in February and plans his campaign. Item 1 on the grand strategic plan is to consolidate his forces. He has some troops in Pavia, there are the German reinforcements -such as they are- coming down via Como, the Margrave of Montferrato has promised an army and Christian of Mainz is on his way back North from his victory over the Sicilians. Plus the main strategic objective for 1176 was again Alessandria, which meant Pavia was a logical rallying point.

To reach Pavia the German reinforcements had to travel through Milanese Territory. Barbarossa decided to meet them as soon as they had come across the height of the passes and guide them down to Pavia. To get to Como, he first had to go through that same enemy territory himself. He decided to move fast and travelled light, accompanied only by about 500 to 1,000 knights with no baggage and no infantry. When the Milanese heard reports of the emperor travelling through their lands at the double, they dismissed them as obviously false and made no efforts to impede his progress.

Barbarossa meets his fresh troops in Serravalle in the Blenio valley, today in the Kanton Ticino in Switzerland. The combined forces of the fresh troops, Barbarossa’s companions and some men from Como, in total about 3,000 knights, set off for Pavia sometime after May 12th. From Como the plan is to go in an almost straight line Southwest to cross the Ticino river into Pavese territory. On May 28th the Imperial army takes a rest in Cairate. They expect to cross the Ticino river the next day.

Meanwhile in Milan the realisation had sunk in that Barbarossa had indeed crossed their lands north to pick up his brand-new army and would soon come back the same route. Given the element of surprise the League army had not yet assembled. Orders were sent to all the league cities to send troops but only the knights of horseback from Piacenza, Brescia, Novara, Vercelli, Lodi had arrived. The Lombards had to make a decision. Either letting the emperor pass and attack him later when the full contingents of the league were assembled, or to attack him now with what they had to prevent the imperial army from consolidating.

The Milanese decided to go ahead and intercept the Germans. The same day Barbarossa rests in Cairate, they set up camp near the town of Legnano, a place the imperial army was likely to come through on their route down.

They had brought their great Carrocio, the enormous war wagon that the Italian communes used as its banner and rallying point. Just to recap, this was a war cart drawn by oxen. It carried a platform that may have been as long as 15 meters and maybe 4 to 5 meters wide. On the platform that was covered in scarlet cloth stood an altar, a flagpole and in the case of Milan an enormous cross. A cross so large it took four men to put it upright. A priest would celebrate mass on the platform before battle and during the fighting trumpeters would stand on the Carrocio giving signals for attack and retreat. But most importantly, the Carrocio was the symbol of civic pride. Capturing the Carrocio meant victory and eternal shame for the defeated side. Captured Carioca would be displayed in the victorious cities. The cathedral of Siena still holds two oak bars from a Carioca captured from the Florentines. Cremona famously hung the trousers of defeated enemies from the ceiling of its cathedral.

Carrocio of Milan

An important feature of the Carrocio was that it moved very slowly forcing the citizens into a last stand around the Carrocio. The other advantage was that the carrocio was hard to overturn, so other than a bannerman, its flagpole rarely vanished before the battle ended.

This pride of the Milanese was positioned on the slope of a hill near the town of Legnano, overlooking the River Olona. The Milanese had maybe 12,000 men, mostly citizen soldiers on foot plus the couple of hundred knights on horseback that had come from the allied cities.

On the morning of May 29th these knights were out on a recce, thinking Barbarossa was still hundreds of miles away when they came across a detachment of 300 German knights. The Italians, numbering about 700 gave chase thinking these Germans were on their own and had blundered into Milanese territory by mistake. The Germans feigned retreat and lured them toward their comrades. The Italians were mightily surprised when 2000 of Barbarossa’s knights appeared over the hill. Now it was the German’s time to give chase and the Italian cavalry started running and running, barely stopping before they reached Milan. That left the Milanese foot soldiers near their immovable Carrocio without cavalry support.

Shortly after that Barbarossa got to Legnano where he found the the Milanese army camped across his path home. 12,000 men to his 3,000, lances and shields glinting in the sun, trumpets sounding, flags flying from the great Carracio.. If he had thought of turning back to Como, it has not been recorded. Most likely the idea did not even cross his mind. These Milanese infantrymen are no more than armed peasants, no match for his army of highly trained armoured killing machines. And let’s not forget that imperial prestige was already badly dinted thanks to the embarrassment of Alessandria and the abandoned battle at Montebello. Retreat was inconceivable.

The Milanese arranged their lines were four men deep in a semicircle around the Carrocio. The first row was kneeling behind their shields holding a 2m long lance. The next line was standing holding the shield before their chest and again pointing the long lance at the enemy. The third and fourth line held the back and swapped forward should the first have fallen. It was not exactly a classic Greek phalanx, but something not too dissimilar. And there were more similarities to the ancient Polis. The contingents were organised by city, borough and neighbourhood. Neighbour stood by neighbour, brother with brother, fathers next to sons. No way you could ever go back home if you had failed your friends and family in battle or worse, run away from the enemy.

Against them stood the German knights who had built a terrifying reputation amongst the Italians both for their military prowess and their cruelty. A charge of this heavy cavalry with their  shiny armour, lances out, mounted on their enormous warhorse must have been a terrifying sight to behold. More often than not the enemy foot soldiers ran even before the lances had made contact. In fact that was their main military purpose, breaking the infantry through fear and subsequently engage the enemy‘s cavalry.

Barbarossa arranged his cavalry against the Milanese positions and ordered his men to charge. And they galloped into a veritable forest of steel pikes.  The Milanese held the line. They were fighting for the continued existence of their city that Barbarossa had destroyed and empties 14 years before. They rather died than letting this happen again. Most of the knights stopped their horses when they saw that the line of death would not break. They turned round to do the same again half an hour later. Some could not rein in their horses or did not want to halt and were promptly thrown off, their armour pierced by the Milanese lances and their throats cut. One of those who failed to stop was the imperial bannerman whose fall took away the army’s focal point. Instead, they now looked towards the emperor himself whose shining armour could be seen from far and wide. As the Milanese lines refused to yield to the intimidating charges many knights dismounted and tried to hack their way to the carrocio on foot. These efforts were more successful and gradually the Germans pushed ahead whilst the Milanese massed around the symbol of their civic pride. Barbarossa was in the midst of the fighting spurring his men on to bring down that damned cart.

Do you remember the Italian knights on horseback that fled all the way to Milan? Milan was not that far away and when they encountered further reinforcements on their way towards Legnano, the knights were shamed into returning to the place of battle. When they arrived, they saw the lines of the Milanese still barely holding but the Germans off their horses and vulnerable on their flanks. They fell on them. Barbarossa disappeared in the fighting. His army deprived of their leader and focal point broke and ran. The Italians chased them all the way to the Ticino River which some crossed but many drowned.

News of the defeat reached Pavia the next day. When no news of Barbarossa’s whereabouts came for days, empress Beatrix put on her widow’s veil and mass was said for the dead emperor. But on day 7 he returned. His armour, lance sword and banner had been captured by the enemy, but the man escaped. The Milanese took thousands of prisoners, returned the German knights for ransom and made the men of Como who had come along suffer for months.

Milanese soldiers searching for Barbarossa’s body (postcard from 1913)

Was Barbarossa beaten militarily? Probably not completely. A part of his defeated army had made it down after all and he still had the allied forces of Pavia and Montferrrato. But his grand project was psychologically and politically broken. The destruction of his army before Rome, the failed siege of Alessandria and now the defeat of Legnano was seen as fate or god putting an end to these ambitions.

Legnano was a turning point in German, but even more in Italian history. There will now not be an absolutist imperial rule in Northern Italy. Instead, the communes will enjoy a century and a half of self-determination, endless fighting both internally and externally before they will fall one by one under the rule of a single man, sometimes a member of the great local families, sometimes a chancer from elsewhere before finally coming under the domination of a duke or count or pope. This constant competition and oneupmanship  spurred them on to create some of the greatest works of art and architecture the world has ever seen.

The Lombard league and the battle of Legnano formed the key element of a national narrative for the Italian people during the Risorgimento, the movement to create a unified Italy in the 19th century. The legendary success against an overbearing German emperor was a great parallel to the struggle with the Austrian imperial hegemony.  

Verdi wrote an opera about Legnano

At the same time Legnano gained a mythical “what if” significance in the German national narrative of the 19th century. It was seen as the moment when the chance to build a unified political entity was finally lost and the empire was heading to fragmentation. The refusal of Henry the Lion in Chiavenna was the showdown between two policies, gaining ground in the east versus wasting resources in Italy.

Very few things better illustrate how intertwined German and Italian history and historical perception are than the battle of Legnano. But where the two differ now is that in Germany the memory of Barbarossa’s struggle with the Lombard league has faded far in the background, whilst in Italy it is very much alive.

The Lega, formally Lega Nord is a right-wing populist anti-immigration party led by a gentleman, and I use the word reluctantly,  called Matteo Salvini. They are the second largest party in the Italian parliament and gained 33% of the votes in the 2019 European elections.

The Lega is not called Lega by chance, it is a direct reference back to the Lombard league. Their nickname is Carrocio and their symbol is the figure of a medieval foot soldier holding up an enormous sword.

That man is Alberto da Giussano, the commander of the Milanese army at Legnano and leader of the Company of Death, an elite squad on Milanese citizen soldiers who had sworn to fight to their last breadth.  And as with so many nationalistic stories, this company of death and this man are also entirely made up. Alberto da Giussano never existed. He is the brainchild of a Dominican friar called Gaivano Fiamma who wrote in the first half of the 14th century. Just saying…..

By the way, if you want to hear an Italian recounting the battle of Legnano, head to the History of Italy by Mike Mike Corradi who covers it in episode 60 and 61.

Enough of Italian politics, what about our friend Barbarossa? Plan A has gone down the swanny, it is time for plan B. No more imperial glory but focus on dynastic consolidation. And for that he needs peace, peace with the Lombards, reconciliation with the pope, a settlement with the Sicilians, a modus vivendi with the emperor in Constantinople. And where will he get this, in Venice, the location of the first European peace congress in 1177 and of a second Canossa. I hope to see you next week.

And in the meantime, if you feel like supporting the show or want to get hold of these bonus episodes, sign up on patreon.com/historyofthegermans. All the links are in the show notes.

Barbarossa’s failed siege of Alessandria

This week we talk about Barbarossa’s next moves after his disastrous fourth Italian campaign. It takes him a few years to come to grips with the failure of his great imperial programme before he makes one last attempt to resurrect it.

Transcript

Hello and Welcome to the History of the Germans: Episode 59 – The City of Straw

As you can hear I have a terrible cold and I am afraid it is sniffle, sniffle all the way through this episode. I will re-record it as soon as I am out of it, so if you find it irritating, delete this episode and reload it in say five days.  It if you cannot wait to find out what happens next, here is episode 59.

This week we talk about Barbarossa’s next moves after his disastrous fourth Italian campaign. It takes him a few years to come to grips with the failure of his great imperial programme before he makes one last attempt to resurrect it.

This episode also has an episode website to go with it where you can find transcripts, maps and images. And this time I will even help you find the page, it is on historyofthegermans.com/59

Before we start just a reminder. The History of the Germans Podcast is advertising free thanks to the generous support from patrons. And you can become a patron too and enjoy exclusive bonus episodes and other privileges from the price of a latte per month. All you have to do is sign up at patreon.com/historyofthegermans or on my website historyofthegermans.com. You find all the links in the show notes. And thanks a lot to Florian, Hans and Karin who have already signed up.

On March 9th, 1168, Barbarossa left Italy via the pass of Mont Cenis disguised as a servant and accompanied by just a small number of attendants. He even had to leave his wife, Beatrix of Burgundy behind in the town of Susa whose inhabitants he feared were about to murder him. He arrived in Basel on March 15th, 1168, and he was not going to return to Italy before September 1174 making these 6 years the longest continuous stay in Germany during his entire reign.

So, how did he react to the catastrophe before Rome and the collapse of his imperial policy?

As we know, medieval monarchs are not exactly famous for oversharing, but we can  get  glimpses of his initial reaction from the circulars he  sent to the German princes in September 1167. That is when he was still in Italy raiding Milanese territory in a futile attempts to bring down the Lombard League.

At that time he writes, quote “the heavens were astonished and the whole world trembled at the news that certain cities of Lombardy, namely, Milan, Piacenza, Cremona, Bergamo, Brescia, Mantua and the Mark of Verona had rebelled against our majesty, against the honour of the empire without cause. The empire that had been preserved until now at great exercian and with the blood of so many illustrious men and princes”. End quote. He describes it as the “Imperium Teutonicorum”, the empire of the Germans, for the first and only time in his reign.  He goes on to say that the Italian cities no longer wished to be ruled by him or to be subject of the lordship of the Germans. But that he would rather die than leave his successors with a much-diminished Reich. This sudden outburst of nationalist sentiment is extremely unusual. Much has been made of this turn of phrase in the past, implying that people were beginning to  think in nationalist categories. But it is important to remember that this is literally the only time the term is used and that it is used at a point of extreme stress when Barbarossa is still figuring out what had gone so badly wrong. Hence  I like to see it as the exception that proves the medieval rulers did not think in nationalist categories.

A few weeks after this “honour or death” shout, he leaves Pavia to save his bacon. And, as I said, even leaves his wife behind as a decoy to escape his pursuers. That is an unexpected behaviour for the man. There was never any indication he lacked personal bravery. He was often found in the centre of the fighting, he even took on menial tasks like operated the battering ram in the siege of Crema, an effort that nearly got him burned to death.

Why did he run? It is not that he absolutely had to. He could have stayed in Pavia and if the city could withstand a siege for long enough, relief from Germany would surely have come. The princes may no longer have  been keen to support Italian campaigns, but they were honour bound to relieve their emperor.

I do not want to fall deep into armchair psychology, but it seems that Barbarossa is utterly shaken by the events of 1167. He had lost his army, he had lost Northern Italy, the funding source of his policies, he had lost Rainald von Dassel, his closest advisor, and he had lost the fight with Pope Alexander III. His standing in Europe had collapsed.

John of Salisbury wrote that quote “the ex-emperor driven out in disgrace and shame, is a fugitive and an exile from Lombardy, has thrown his own Burgundy into confusion as he passed through and has found all of Germany in uproar. Now the fall he has earned seems to be at hand” end quote.

John of Salisbury teaching philosophy, frontispiece miniature of the Policraticus by John of Salisbury, translated by Denis Foulechat.

For the next 6 months his chancery does not produce a single document. Barbarossa ceases to act as ruler, at least temporarily. Some chroniclers claim that Barbarossa had suffered a severe illness as an explanation for this inertia. Only gradually does he return to his previous levels of boundless energy.

Political priorities had to change in light of what had happened. For the first time since 1154, Germany becomes the centre of Barbarossa’s agenda.

His long absences and regular demands for military support had eroded the ability of the imperial administration to maintain peace. Feuding amongst the princes had returned with a vengeance.

In his own homeland of Swabia, the counts of Tubingen and Welf VI were tied in a deadly struggle that had pulled in both the dukes of Zaehringen and the Frederick of Rothenburg, the duke of Swabia.

Tubingen and its castle as it looked in 1643

And then his young brother, Konrad, the Count Palatinate on the Rhine fought with the archbishopric of Cologne, pitting two of the emperors closest supporters against each other..

Burg Rheineck, the cause of teh disagreement between Konrad and the archbishops of Cologne

The biggest source of turmoil was however Saxony. Henry the Lion as duke of Bavaria and duke of Saxony had become an overbearingly powerful force. Whilst Barbarossa had been in Italy, Henry had expanded his territory eastwards into what is today Mecklenburg and Pommern. These lands had been occupied by pagan Slavic peoples since the days of the Great Migration. Margrave Gero and Hermann Billlung had conquered them but they threw off the imperial yoke in 983. After that they been subject to regular raids by Saxon nobles but a permanent integration into the empire was no longer on the agenda. That changed with Lothar III It is now under Henry the Lion that these territories are permanently settled by colonists from Saxony and Flanders and cities like Lübeck, Schwerin and Rostock are established. The last purely pagan society on the Island of Rügen is forcibly Christianised in 1172.  Henry built himself the palace fortress of Dankwarderode, now in the centre of Braunschweig, a structure that rivalled any royal or imperial residence in size and splendour. In 1164 he had become engaged to the then 9-year-old daughter of king Henry II of England, Matilda. The marriage took place in 1168 with all the pomp and circumstance of a royal wedding. His position and demeanour had by now become king-like in every aspect.

Wedding of Henry teh Lion and Matilda of England

For his fellow Saxon nobles such behaviour was unacceptable. Albrecht the Bear and his sons, the Wettiner counts of Meissen and Lusatia, the Landgrave of Thuringia, the archbishops of Magdeburg and of Hamburg-Bremen formed the core of the opposition. As we have seen the Saxons have always been most insistent on their ancient rights and freedoms defending them against emperors. Nor were they willing to bend themselves to a mere duke. An veritable war broke out between Henry and the Saxon magnates which resulted in the burning of Bremen and sieges of Magdeburg and Goslar.

See Welf lands (green) and the lands of Albrecht the Baer top right in pink (unfortunately same colour as Staufer lands

Barbarossa ordered the magnates and Henry the Lion to appear before the Reichstag but the rebels did not head the call, Only upon the third summons did they show, fearing that a no-show would result in an imperial ban. Barbarossa’s efforts resulted in a truce which turned into a more permanent settlement after Albrecht the Baer had died aged 70. The settlement was however not at all equitable. Barbarossa had continued his policy of keeping the Welf on side, almost at all costs. Underlying it was the notion that a united front of the by far most powerful duke and the emperor was the best guarantee for stability.

But it wasn’t much more than stability. The reluctance of the Saxon nobles to show up for the Reichstag is a clear indication that they either did not expect a fair hearing, or worse, did no longer respect the imperial authority.

The silver lining in this otherwise quite grim time came from an unexpected windfall of the catastrophic events before Rome. Before 1168 Barbarossa had very little allodial property, i.e., property he owned in his own right. His most valuable possession was the county of Burgundy he had received through marriage to Beatrix.. His father and his uncle Konrad III had built up a large territorial powerbase stretching along the Rhine River from around Basel to outside Mainz and then along the Main River and into Nürnberg. But the majority of these lands had gone to Frederick of Rothenburg, the son of Konrad III as compensation for missing out on the crown. Rothenburg also took over as duke of Swabia from Barbarossa. Rothenburg died before Rome without an heir and Barbarossa inherits his lands.

The other magnate who died before Rome was Welf VII, the only son of Welf VI, Barbarossa’s uncle and friend. Grieving over the loss of his only son the older Welf gave himself away to a life of debauchery. Hunting, drinking, mistresses, lavish feasts and largesse drained his finances so that he sold his rights to the Lands of Matilda to Barbarossa in 1173.  His true wealth was however in the lands of Swabia around lake Constance/ Those he offered to sell to his nephew Henry the Lion, who was however too stingy to pay the old man on time. So, Barbarossa came in, provided his old friend with the means to enjoy a bit more of his carnal comforts in exchange for some of the richest lands North of the Alps.

Next one was the inheritance of Rudolf of Pfullendorf, another member of Barbarossa’s inner circle who also lost his only son before Rome. This required a bit more finesse as Rudolf was still alive and his daughter was married to the Count of Habsburg. But somehow, he finagled that one and another chunk of valuable Swabian territory came to him. To appease the Habsburgs, they were given the county of Zurich and the advocacy over the abbey of Saeckingen. So, if you had ever asked yourself how come that Wilhelm Tell and the Swiss Confederacy were oppressed by the Habsburgs, that is why.

Then there are a number of further lands he received, again mostly from his closest friends who either themselves or whose male heirs had died on his campaigns. Some he bought, some he wrestled from the heirs in ways that weren’t always cricket. I will not bore you with the names of all the places, but what he ended up with was a fairly coherent territory. If you follow along of historyofthegermans/59 you can see the map showing the Hohenstaufen controlled territories covering a lot of Southwest Germany and an extension eastward onto the modern Czech-German border. This process went on until the end of his reign at which point the personal territories of the Hohenstaufen were almost all coherent and sizeable as those of the Welf.  

Staufer lands in the south west before 1168 (left) and by the end of Barbaroissa’s reign (right)

The sudden focus on enlarging the dynastic territory is probably the biggest political U-turn of Barbarossa’s reign. Until 1168 his political concept was to create an imperial authority that lives above the squabbles of mere princes and cities. A Holy Roman Empire that is universal and can demand allegiance and support in exchange for providing security and the rule of law. The funding of that entity should come from imperial regalia rather than from the territories of the reigning monarch.

He does not give up on that notion, but his build-up of the dynastic lands of the Hohenstaufen is his plan B should the grand plan of being the undisputed leader of Christianity fail permanently.

But this is not the only strategic shift. His attitude towards the schism also shifted. His antipope Paschalis III had died in 1168 and his cardinals had elected a new anti-pope, Calixtus III. Though Barbarossa formally recognised him, he never met the antipope, he did little to support him..

The papal project had clearly failed, and Barbarossa needed to find a way out of it. His biggest constraint was the oath of Wurzburg, where he had sworn not to ever recognise Roland Bandinelli as Pope. As the emperor he could not walk away from this oath without a devastating blow to his credibility and prestige.

In 1169 he came up with a somewhat convoluted but at the same time genius plan. He had made the German princes elect his 4-year-old second son as King Henry VI. He then offered that his son would swear allegiance to Alexander III as the only pope, in exchange for a coronation. That would have solved most problems. Alexander could declare that the empire had returned into the fold of the catholic church, whilst Barbarossa would not have to break his oath. But it did not work out. Barbarossa insisted that all the bishops appointed by his antipopes like Christian of Mainz and Philip of Cologne remained in place which was something Alexander could not accept since there were archbishops of Mainz and Cologne. With two archbishops of Cologne, who will crown the new king. Schisms are messy and they get messier the longer they last.

Little Henry VI was crowned king in August 1169 in Aachen by the archbishop of Cologne, one of those appointed by the antipope. As for his two brothers, his older brother Frederick had been sickly all his life and died either before or shortly after Henry’s coronation.  Henry’s younger brother was initially called Konrad but then renamed Frederick after the death of the eldest. He became the duke of Swabia, though at the age of three his father ran the duchy for the next decade or so.

Having a son who is now king and another one who is a duke means there are options to strengthen the political position of the house of Hohenstaufen through marriages.

The oldest son had been promised to the younger daughter of King Henry II of England. But that son was now dead. And so was the relationship with King Henry II. Barbarossa had tried to forge closer ties with Henry II during the schism as the King of England had himself a major issue with the church. That issue was called Thomas a Beckett. This is not the place to go into detail on this and I assume many of you know the story anyway. But as far as we are concerned, the important point was that Pope Alexander III managed to keep both sides, the archbishop of Canterbury and King believing he was supporting them. So Henry II never really came around to the imperial side even though he did send some envoys to the oath of Wurzburg event. There was even a very brief moment after the murder of Thomas a’Beckett where Barbarossa had his hopes up that England would come across but that vanished quickly. The murder, as we know, backfired badly and Henry II had to do penance before the shrine of his now saintly adversary, which also meant that he was pretty much tied for good to Alexander III.

And that meant Barbarossa turned to Henry II’s arch-enemy, King Louis VII of France, the guy who had stood him up at the bridge near Dijon in 1164. In the world of medieval realpolitik, this was literally water under the bridge. The two monarchs meet in February 1171 on another bridge near another town. And that meeting is a lot more successful. They discover they have something in common, both do not like Henry II very much, which is enough to agree a marriage between Louis’s daughter to Henry VI. They also agreed a treaty of friendship and interestingly agreed to jointly fight the feral mercenary troops of Brabanters that had become a menace after they had returned home to the low countries from Barbarossa’s campaign. We can see a glimpse of the late middle ages here already.

That marriage however never took place because Alexander III appealed to Louis’s brother the archbishop of Reims to block it. But a bridge was built between the Hohenstaufen and the Capetians that would only strengthen over time.

That project having fallen through, another appeared on the horizon, a marriage to Maria, the daughter of emperor Manuel in Constantinople. That is a bit of a surprise, right. Last time we heard about Manuel, he had been funding the league of Verona and teamed up with Venice against the Holy Roman Empire. What happened?

The thing that always happens when 5 guys team up to kick one guy. Suddenly they realise they only ever shared one objective, defeating their enemy. Barbarossa five adversaries in the 1160s were Pope Alexander III, the Sicilians, Venice, the Lombard league and emperor Manuel. All of them felt threatened by Barbarossa’s power in Northern Italy and had buried their differences to overcome him. But now that he is gone, they realise that they have very little in common after all. The first crack appeared in the relationship between Venice and Constantinople. Manuel had been fighting for decades in the Balkans and had just occupied the coast of what is now Croatia. That was within the Venetian zone of influence. Moreover, Manuel also had sort of control of Ancona, on the opposite shore of the Adriatic. Venice was concerned that Manuel could block their shipping routes. And with good reason, because that is exactly what Manuel wanted to do. It is the whole reason why he wasted money on Italian squabbles and wanted a foothold in Italy. And Manuel was right to be afraid of the Venetians, because merely 34 years later they will put an end to the Byzantine empire of old. In 1169 Venice ordered its citizens to leave Constantinople, effectively a trade embargo. Manuel reacted by getting in touch with Pisa and Genoa to make up the shortfall and had all Venetians on his territory  arrested.  He still had a problem, his navy was no match for the Venetians. He needed to stop them to come down the Bosporus and burn his capital to the ground. The only one who could prevent that was King William of Sicily. A marriage alliance is hastily concluded and William is promised the princess Maria. So far so good, but then an epidemic breaks out in Venice and suddenly there is no longer a threat to Constantinople. Manuel who does not trust the Sicilians any more than the Venetians decides to leave William waiting by the alter, something William II of Sicily will never forgive. And so, Manuel now has a spare daughter and an open slot for an ally. Having pissed off everyone else, Barbarossa becomes a choice. Some negotiations ensue that go on until 1174 but nothing comes of it.

Byzantine empire shortly after Manuel. see teh adriatic with Ancona pointed out

An even more unexpected diplomatic effort was directed at Saladin, the ruler of Egypt and avowed enemy of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. They exchanged letters and in 1173 Saladin’s envoys come to Germany bringing gifts and the proposal of a marriage between the sultan’s son and the emperor’s daughter. That is quite something, an alliance between the enemy of the Christians in the middle east and the Holy roman empire. Anyway did not happen either.

Whilst this goes on, another line of diplomacy opens up between Barbarossa and King William II of Sicily, the unlucky suitor of little Maria. He is offered Barbarossa’s daughter Beatrice as part of an alliance between Sicily and the Holy Roman Empire. Now that is new. Ever since the Sicilians had appeared on the scene, the emperors had been fighting them tooth and nail, apart from that very first time they appeared and Conrad II made Rainulf count of Aversa in 1038.

What is clear is that the great anti-Barbarossa alliance is breaking apart. In the end their interests are not as closely aligned as they appeared. And even the imperial position in Italy had made a modest recovery. Pisa and Genoa remained at least positively disposed if not supportive of the empire. A not insignificant chunk of the Lands of Matilda in Tuscany remained loyal. The city of Rome had opened its gates to Paschalis III and even the rather useless anti-pope Calixtus III could hang on to the Holy City, at least as long as the Senate remained opposed to Alexander III.  

In 1174 Barbarossa concludes that he should make one last attempt to re-establish his old dream of the universal empire. As I said, he had invested much in his plan B and was in negotiations with all and sundry, even with Alexander III, but the dream of world domination is hard to give up.

If the grand coalition of the five major powers of Alexander III, Sicily, the Lombard League, Venice and Manuel had broken down on the back of internal differences, why wouldn’t the Lombard league break apart as well. Cremona and Milan had been at each other’s throats ever since the Italian communes had first emerged. And what about Lodi, Como, Novara, Vercelli or Bergamo, did they really live happily under Milanese hegemony? Pavia was still standing and a still an ally.

The Lombard League

In September 1174 Barbarossa appears with an army of 8000 milites in Italy. Knights they were not, but almost all mercenaries. Hardly any of the German princes had volunteered to follow their emperor across the alps. The only names that are confirmed participants in the venture apart from the usual gaggle of bishops, was Barbarossa’s brother Konrad, duke Oldrich of Bohemia who owed the emperor his position and the ever faithful Otto von Wittelsbach.

The only pass open to this army was the Mont Cenis, in what is today the French alps. That is the emergency pass, the one emperors take when things are going badly. It is the pass Henry IV took in that winter dash to hold off Gregory VII and the one Barbarossa had fled across 6 years earlier. None of the traditional routes could be taken as all of them were in the control of the League or of Venice. That led him past the town of Susa whose inhabitants wanted to kill him in his bed 6 last time he passed. Never one for mercy, he had the whole city burned to the ground.

The major alpine passes (then and now)

From there the army progress into Piedmont where they meet up with the army of the Margrave of Montferrato.  Turin and Asti opened their gates. From there, instead of following the open road to Pavia he headed to a red rag the Lombards and the pope had put in his way. That red rag was the city of Alessandria.

There are over 40 cities called Alexandria in Europe and Asia from Alexandria in Egypt, Iskenderum in Turkey,  Termez in Uzbekistan, Merv in Turkmenistan, Herat and Kandahar in Afghanistan and even half a dozen cities in Pakistan. The US alone has more than 30 cities called Alexandria.

Not any of those would have brought the wrath of the emperor upon it, because they are all named after Alexander the Great. Alessandria in Italy is not. Alessandria was created in 1168 from a couple of small settlements along the via Emilia. It was created by the Lombard League and they named it after -drumroll- Pope Alexander III. They definitely knew how to trigger this German warrior. Alessandria had to be destroyed. It did not matter that it was not even on his way towards Lombardy or that it was a modest settlement without a major garrison that could attack the supply lines. No, Alessandria had to be wiped out.it was a matter of honour and principle.

Barbarossa’s army had been further reinforced with troops from the ever-faithful city of Pavia and counted almost 20,000 men. The citizens of Alexandria most likely less than half that number were prepared to surrender as soon as the host appeared. If the city surrendered without a fight, the conventions of medieval warfare demanded that the city would remain standing. And that was a no go. Who cares about strategy and genuine military objectives when the reputation of the Empire is at stake.

The army settled down for a siege. It should have been a quick thing. Alessandria had only been founded in 1168 and its walls were not completed in stone but mostly of wood. Its defenders were the citizens of this new town reinforced by just 150 soldiers from Piacenza. The Germans called it the city of straw and believed they could make short thrift of it. But hey, were they wrong.

The founders of Alessandria may not have been able to finish the city walls in stone, but they had dug deep ditches and redirected the river to flow around the city. These turned out to be formidable barriers. The siege started in late autumn and the winter was unseasonably cold. Incessant rain turned the imperial camp into a swamp. The Bohemians deserted. Provisions were scarce. It was ridiculous, this one-horse town was resisting the might of the empire for 6 months.

At Easter 1175 Barbarossa agreed a ceasefire for the holiday and the citizens of the battered settlement agreed. It is a measure of how desperate Barbarossa is by now. Despite it being a holy day and the promise of a ceasefire he ordered 200 of his best men to enter the city through tunnels dug during the siege. His army waited outside the gates, ready to storm once the gates are opened from inside. But the invaders were spotted and killed. The gates did open, but instead of the crack team of Delta Force, the defenders sallied froward, ran down the surprised attackers and burned the siege engines with all their occupants.

The siege of Alessandria in a “patriotic” painting from 1851

On Easter Sunday, April 13th Barbarossa burned and abandoned his camp. He marched towards an approaching Lombard army that was finally sent to relieve Alessandria. The city of straw turned out to be a city of iron. 

The emperor with his chastened army of mercenaries and the whiff of sacrilege hanging over him is heading into battle against the Lombard league.

Next week we will see how this pans out. I hope you will join us again.

Before I go I have to ask you something. I have now been going for over a year with more than 60 episodes in the can. Looking back I realised that I have spent a large chunk of time on growing the audience through social media posts and the like. I do enjoy this to a degree but on balance the time would be better invested in the actual content of the podcast, the website and the offer to Patrons whose generosity keeps this whole thing going and advertising free. Thanks again to all of you lovely Patrons. Let me get to the point. Would you be prepared to put the word out about the History of the Germans? Post something on social media, maybe share one of the recent Audiograms I posted on Twitter and Facebook, forward the link to the podcast to your friends and family, or write a nice review. If you endorse the History of the Germans it is so much more powerful than me telling everyone how wonderful my podcast is. So again thanks to you all for listening and liking the podcast and see you next week.

Italy united against Frederick Barbarossa

This week we will talk about the second part of the pincer movement that brought that Hohenstaufen construct of imperial power crashing down to earth. The first was the schism in the Latin church and the second was the link-up of almost all northern Italian communes in a coalition against Barbarossa, the Lombard League.

Transcript

Hello and welcome to the History of the Germans – The Lombard League

This week we will talk about the second part of the pincer movement that brought that Hohenstaufen construct of imperial power crashing down to earth. The first was the schism in the Latin church and the second was the link-up of almost all northern Italian communes in a coalition against Barbarossa, the Lombard League.

Before we start just a reminder. The History of the Germans Podcast is advertising free thanks to the generous support from patrons. And you can become a patron too and enjoy exclusive bonus episodes and other privileges from the price of a latte per month. All you have to do is sign up at patreon.com/historyofthegermans or on my website historyofthegermans.com. You find all the links in the show notes. And thanks a lot to Frank, Rita and Alexander who have already signed up.

And there are another two housekeeping issues. First, I have a slot at the Intelligentspeech conference on June 25th where I will talk about Crossing the Alps, the German’s relationship with Italy. Many of the things we discuss right now will feature there but also the 18th century longing for “land where the lemons bloom” as well as the nationalist narratives of the 19th and 20th centuries that still have repercussions into modern politics, specifically the Sovereign Debt crisis of 2012. There will be lots more amazing podcasters to listen to so get in there. Jamie Jeffers from the Britsh History Podcast is our star turn. The conference is fully online. Early bird tickets cost $20 and you get 10% discount using the offer code “Germans”.

The other thing I wanted to tell you about is that I am revamping the Website historyofthegermans.com. There will now be episode pages with the transcript and maps and images to help you follow along. The idea is that you can listen to the podcast and read along with the transcript and when we talk geography a map will show up, when I talk about some church or castle, an image comes up etc. Check it out and leave a comment, even if you think this was not that helpful. It is quite a bit of work and if it isn’t great, then I rather spend my podcast time on something else.

Enough of this, let’s start the show.

Last week we talked about the schism and the catastrophic loss of the army in Rome in the summer of 1167. I did mention that during the time the schism was escalating, Northern Italy had gradually gone into open revolt. To trace these development we go back to the exact same spot where last episode started, the year 1162, when Barbarossa stands in the smouldering ruins of Milan, the city he had ordered to be destroyed and its population to be expelled.

The “chessboard” of Italian citiy alliances before 1162 – pro-Milanese black and anti-Milanese red

After all that military gore and glory our great ruler had to sit down to the boring drudgery of  building a sustainable administration. This administration was to implement the laws of Roncaglia. The laws that had been modelled on the Roman Law of the Byzantine Empire. The Byzantine had a professional civil service, an elaborate system of tax assessment and a fair judiciary.

That was something Barbarossa and his advisers had never seen before.. The only monarchy that had something approximating an administrative infrastructure with regular tax income, functionaries reporting to the ruler and central oversight was England. Roland von Dassel had been to England recently but if he had shown an interest in this sophisticated system, it did not impact the setup for the Kingdom of Italy.

The Justinian code itself was also less than useful. It is all good to say that the emperor is the source of all laws, that judges appointed by the ruler adjudicate on his behalf and that taxes can be raised at will. What the codex did not say was that these powers were unlimited only in theory. Even the all powerful Roman emperors had to restrain their lawmaking to things the population could swallow, had to provide justice that was fair in the vast majority of cases and raise taxes equitably. There  should have been a manual, but there wasn’t. Knowledge of the limits of absolute power had been handed down from emperor to emperor and administration to administration. For Barbarossa and his advisors this was unknown territory. They were like teenagers who have been given a drone to play with. Yes they understand how to get the thing in the air but they have no idea how to fly them.

So they made it up as they went along.

Barbarossa’s government had three main elements. The first were the consuls and Podestas of the cities. Some of them were elected by the citizens and the approved by the emperor, that was the case in places like Lodi, Cremona and Pavia, all trusted allies. On the other side of the equation were the former enemies, most prominently Milan where the podesta was an appointed dictator, usually one of Barbarossa’s close advisors. Then there were variations on the theme like Ravenna, where the imperial envoy would lead the election process when in town but otherwise they were free.. And finally there were the maritime republics of Genoa and Pisa that were so powerful that the administration operated without any imperial interference.

The other institution were the imperial legates. This concept was borrowed from the system of papal legates who have acted as very effective representatives of the Pope since the early days of the Church reform.

There were two kinds of legates, the general legate and legates sent for specific tasks.

The general legate was supposed to represent the emperor, hold court, mediate between hostile parties or cities, impose penalties, invest consuls and podestas and receive oaths of allegiance. The general legate or legate for Italy was effectively a sort of viceroy who exercised the entire authority of the emperor. When Barbarossa went home to Germany in 1163, none other than Rainald von Dassel became the viceroy of Italy. Other legates were sent to deliver specific objectives like collect the Fodrum from reluctant cities or raise soldiers. Sometimes the legate was also made the podesta.

An imperial legate taking oaths from Italian cities (a little later from Sercambi’s History of Lucca

And then we have another function, the Vicarius or imperial vicar. His job was to be the head of the judiciary, in particular act as the imperial court of appeal.

Even a cursory look at this structure tells you that there were huge problems with it. The job of Vicarius and general legate have a lot of overlap to start with.

Then there is the inconsistency of imperial influence in the government of the individual cities that would make many feel hard done by. But what really undermined confidence in this imperial administration is the application of the tax laws.

In Roncaglia the Four Great Doctors of law had produced a comprehensive list of all the imperial regalia in each of the cities. That should have been a good start for a reasonably equitable execution of the rights. Most of these regalia had been pre-existing, hence the citizens were used to pay them. The only difference would have been that instead of the funds going to the bishop or the city oligarchy, they would be sent to the imperial legate.

But as you remember, the laws of Roncaglia had another set of provisions, one being the “Lex Tributum”. That asserted the right to levy a poll tax on both  individuals and property. From 1162 the  imperial Podestas gradually introduced these kinds of taxes..

Taxes are always unpopular, in particular newly introduced taxes. And these poll taxes were new in many territories where they would now be applied. The other thing is that tax discipline is linked to whether people think taxes are equitable. Are they levied based on ability to pay, used for a common good and proportional. The taxes raised by imperial legates and podestas  between 1162 and 1167 were none of that.

To start with. Barbarossa did neither have nor did he commission the equivalent of a Doomsday book. He therefore had no idea of the money generation capacity of individual cities. Without that he could not determine who amongst his podestas was particularly egregious. The second element was that the taxation burden fell initially predominantly on the cities that had just been defeated, Milan, Brescia, Piacenza. As these demands weren’t a one-off reparation but seemed a permanent feature of imperial tax policy, these cities could not envisage a point in time where they could live with this new government.

Doomsday book is the record of the “Great Survey” of much of England and parts of Wales completed in 1086 by order of William the Conqueror. The survey’s main purpose was to determine what taxes had been owed during the reign of Edward the Confessor, thereby allowing William to reassert the rights of the Crown and assess where power lay after a wholesale redistribution of land following the Norman conquest

As for the level of taxation we have only biased and not very detailed accounts. Hence we cannot say for certain whether it was oppressive. It is however likely that taxation became excessive, maybe not right at the beginning, but certainly as time went by. And that had to do with a material change in the shape of the imperial army.

By 1162 Barbarossa had spent roughly half his reign in the South and the German princes had supplied him with knights and foot soldiers as they were obliged to under feudal law. We do not know what exactly these feudal obligations were, specifically how many and how often they can be called upon to send troops. But it is noticeable that after 1162 fewer and fewer of the great secular princes came down to Italy. Henry the Lion did not come along in 1167, nor did Henry Jasomirgott or Albrecht the Baer. And when they did, they may have asked for payment. We have one case in the 1175 campaign of a secular prince asking for a subsidy. Hence the German component of the army was predominantly made up of the contingents from the bishoprics and friends and family of Barbarossa. To make up for the shortfall Barbarossa now has to hire mercenaries. And those are expensive, in particular if the campaigns are prolonged.

Where is that cash to come from? Before 1167 Barbarossa’s personal landholdings were fairly modest. Revenues from the royal domain were also not huge based on the limited evidence available. Hence the funding needs had to be covered by the Italian communes. As time goes by  princes become ever more reluctant to die in Italy, leading to more need for mercenaries, which means more funding needs. Soon the tax collection and enforcement of regalia tightens, not just in Milan, Brescia and Piacenza, but everywhere, including the most loyal of loyals, Lodi, Pavia and Cremona.

Staufer family lands in red. The dark is the family owned lands, though most of it was held by Frederick v. Rothenburg until 1167

A rising burden of taxation is usually enough to upset people, but what makes them really, really angry is if the tax collectors are biased and corrupt. Again, all sources we have are from Italians who paid the taxes, but given how medieval notions of property work, it is likely the imperial podestas saw the city the administered as a fief. And as such they could squeeze it at will without breaking the honour code. They did have to send some of the money to the emperor, sure, but all the excess is theirs, right. It is a sign of the immaturity of this administrative system that there was no  accountability and oversight, and absent a register of wealth like the doomsday book, none could be established..

By tradition the oppressed cities had a right to appeal to the emperor and the princely court. But Barbarossa had de facto abolished this right to appeal. He made the vicarius and the legates the highest judges  in the land. There was no possibility to formally take the case further. Even when the citizens of Milan fell on their knees by the side of the road and demanded a hearing, he brushed them off and directed them to Rainald von Dassel.

There we are, new taxes, taxes that are constantly going up and tax collectors that fill their pockets by squeezing even harder and no recourse to imperial justice. In that scenario it was always unlikely that Milan, Brescia and Piacenza would ever become loyal vassals of the empire. These cities will forever dream of throwing off the imperial yoke and take revenge. But when this system gets extended to the loyal cities, they feel even more enraged. They had helped Barbarossa to defeat Milan and its allies, and now they are treated no better than their former foes.

What drives the nail in the coffin is that when uprisings begin, the legates have to grant privileges and exemptions to those cities who threaten to join the uprisings. As city A sees that city B gets relief from taxation for promising not to join city C in rebellion, then City A has all the incentives in the world to at least pretend to rebel. With more and more cities taken off the roster, the remaining ones, i.e., the defeated and the most loyal have to shoulder it all. That is when the powder keg explodes.

But I am jumping ahead. Let’s take it chronologically.

In November 1162 Barbarossa returns back to Germany. He leaves Rainald von Dassel as general legate for Italy behind. The cities of Piacenza, Brescia, Bergamo and Ferrara receive a German count as imperial podesta. The citizens of Milan have to live in a number of villages outside the now empty city are administrated by the bishop of Liege.

Lombardy again

Who was the most oppressive of these podestas is a bit of a tossup between the bishop of Liege and Arnold of Dorstadt who was put in charge of Piacenza. Von Dorstadt systematically plundered the finances of the city that was already struggling with paying back a massive loan taken from Pavia.  Piacenza finally bought off  their podesta with the staggering sum of 11,000 marks of silver. But even that was not enough and the great nobleman allegedly plundered the treasury of the church of Saint Antony on his way out. He seemed to have had pangs of guilt later in life and used his cash to fund the abbey of Dorstadt in his hometown..

The Bishop squeezed the Milanese hard, taking ¼ of all the tilled crops and 1/3 of all the nuts, chestnuts and hay one summer. On top of that he had them bring 100 carts of firewood to the imperial palace at Monza during an imperial visit where they were also made to erect a vast brand-new kitchen that’s supposedly cost 1,000 pounds.

Another key position went to Otto von Wittelsbach who had received the castle of Garda as his personal fief Garda sits on lake Garda and was once the prison for the empress Adelheid. But that was 200 years earlier. By 1162 Garda’s job was to keep an eye on the city of Verona and the Brenner pass.

The Castle of Garda

The Veronese, lukewarm in their allegiance to the empire at the best of times, took offence at having this daredevil fighter right on their doorstep. And in all likelihood old Otto did I am sure the odd spot of plundering and squeezing of merchants and peasants. So the Veronese, together with the citizens of Padua and Vicenza demanded an imperial hearing when Barbarossa had come back to Italy in the winter of 1163. Barbarossa may be able to ignore a rabble of defeated Milanese kneeling in the dirt before his carriage, but he could not quite ignore three major city states requesting an audience.

Some talks were held in Pavia, the bottom line of which was that Verona, Padua and Vicenza would get their day in court provided they accepted an imperial podesta. The imperial allies in Lodi, Cremona, Pavia etc. tried to convince their colleagues that this was nothing but a formality and that in their case the freely elected consuls were made podesta as a matter of course.

But Verona, Padua and Vicenza refused. They had found the guts to resist not just in the strength of their walls and a quick inspection of the rather modest number of soldiers the emperor had brought down with him. What stiffened their resolve was that they had received pledges of support from Venice and from none other than Emperor Manuel in Constantinople. Venice motivation to get involved was fairly simple to deduce. A coherent, tax raising and expansionist Holy Roman empire on their doorstep was the last thing they wanted. And Venice had declared for Alexander III in the deepening schism.

As for Manuel, he had decided long time ago that Italy was his main political objective. Having a foothold on the peninsula was his way to ensure a measure of control over Sicilian, Crusader and Venetian ambitions to take over his empire. And as we know, he had good reason to worry about that. It is also around this time that Manuel is discussing a reconciliation of the Eastern and Latin church with Alexander III with him as emperor both in the East and in the West. Manuel had hence an interest in undermining Barbarossa’s power base in Italy. Barbarossa on the other hand kept attacking the city of Ancona, the main ally of Byzantium on the Italian mainland.

In early 1164 Verona, Padua and Vicenza formed the league of Verona. This was the first league of Italian cities and the first created to defy imperial authority. The members of the league promised each other mutual support against any attack.

The League of Verona (blue) and teh cities that promise neutrality (green)

Barbarossa had no other option than to attack Verona. This siege quickly revealed how fragile imperial administration had become within the two years following the fall of Milan. His own troops from across the alps counted just a few hundred knights. His closest allies provided support, but their enthusiasm was somewhat lukewarm. The siege lasted a sum total of 5 days and ended with imperial withdrawal. The swift and humiliating abandonment of the siege was blamed simultaneously on a bout of malaria and the imminent birth of Barbarossa’s first son, but who cares. What mattered was that the league of Verona had prevailed.

This failure further undermined the imperial administration. The legates had to grant concessions to cities like Ferrara, Mantua and Treviso for the promise not to join the league of Verona.  Barbarossa even apologised for the behaviour of his representatives. This relief from imperial oppression provided quite some food for thought for the city oligarchs across northern Italy. On the one hand there was no legal or other recourse against the ever-increasing financial demands of the imperial legates, meaning these would only ever become harsher. On the other hand, defying the emperor and his creatures was seemingly a low-risk option.

After this debacle the emperor returned to Germany at the end of 1164. He intended to return, not just to go after the league of Verona but also to end the schism by force. And that required a much larger army, an army his German princes would by now be unwilling to provide. And that meant he needed even more mercenaries, which meant he needed even more money. So, he instructed his administrators in Italy to squeeze out as much as they could get from the communes. According to Cardinal Boso, a supporter of pope Alexander III, Barbarossa had become profoundly suspicious of the Italian cities and now preferred to be feared rather than loved by them.

But, where shall the money come from? The defeated communes, Milan, Brescia, Piacenza etc. were already stretched beyond breaking point. The waverers could not be touched for fear they would join the league of Verona. That leaves only one group, the loyal supporters of the empire, Lodi, Cremona, Pavia. A chronicler from Lodi writes that the imperial tax collectors did not just claim what was Caesar’s, but sevenfold what was owed. Everything was taxed, the mills, fishing in the river, hunting with nets, hunting with dogs etc. The Lodese now felt that this oppressive rule was no longer bearable. It was better to die than to bear this humiliation and pain any longer.

The loyal cities initially believed this was mostly the work of the imperial legates and their appointees and that once the emperor was back he would put things right. At the end of 1166 Barbarossa was back.

He held a great assembly in Lodi, the city he had re-founded and supported ever since he first set foot into Italy 11 years earlier. The communes brought their complaints and appealed to the emperor to end the oppression. Barbarossa professed much sympathy for their plight, but in the end did nothing.

He was in a bind. Fundamentally he did not have the fiscal wriggle room to reduce the pressure. And when it came to the excesses of his governors and administrators, what could he do? Corruption and cruelty was so wide spread, for all we know he should send his entire staff home. And what then? After the debacle before Verona, many of the Lombards no longer feared him. His German supporters had come down with him in 1166 hoping for exactly that kind of plunder he would now prohibit. No, things had gone too far for now. Assuming he intended to do something about the obvious problems in his administration, he probably postponed it for after the campaign against Alexander III. Right now, there was nothing to be done.

This recurring refusal to provide justice is what tipped the Italian communes serious irritation first into despair and then into deep anger. The spark that blew up the already crumbly edifice that was the imperial administration came from Cremona.

There is a most likely apocryphal story about  one of the leaders of Cremona, a city that had stood with the imperial side through thick and thin for literally a hundred years. This eminent citizen, had been a member of Barbarossa’s inner circle. One day he was on his way to the council room when he was told that today he was not welcome. Concerned about what was being discussed he investigated. He was utterly shaken when uncovered Barbarossa’s plan. The emperor intended to bring down the walls of all Italian cities, fill their moats and disarm their guards so as to limit their ability ever to resist imperial demands. This Cremonese patrician subsequently invited all other Lombard leaders to the monastery of Pontida where he informed them of the intended final assault on their way of life. All northern Italian cities immediately promised to defend each other against the tyrant and so formed the Lombard League.

The oath of Pontida – 19th century Italian “patriotic” picture

Well this was indeed the result but the process was a bit more complicated. We might not know what triggered it, but in the spring of 1167 the cities of Mantua, Brescia and Bergamo and most importantly, Cremona, met for a colloquium to debate all the harm they had experienced by the hand of the imperial envoys. They agreed a pact of mutual support, modelled on the league of Verona, to defend each other against overreach by the legates.

The citizens of Milan who were still languishing in their village accommodation applied to join as soon as they heard. Cremona and Milan had fought each other for as long as anyone could remember. The same goes for Bergamo. The last thing these cities wanted was to swap imperial oppression against oppression from the Milanese. So they put harsh conditions on a Milanese participation in what is now called the Lombard league. Milan agreed to all their terms, including that Crema would never be rebuilt and its lands were to be granted to Cremona. No fortifications were to be built between Milan and Cremona and Milan and Bergamo etc., etc., pp

Milan, Trezzo and Lodi

All these negotiations happened in secret, but rumours were running like wildfire through the communes of Italy. The Imperial podesta in Milan became suspicious and demanded first a hundred new hostages, then 200 more. He asked for even more money, presumably to hire mercenaries. The army of Pavia mustered near Monza and some citizens of Milan who had been neutral or supportive of the empire received messages to leave their accommodation now, before they would all be wiped out. For days as their representatives negotiated with the other cities, the terrified population of Milan expected to be murdered in their beds and their houses torched.

On April 27th, 1167 first an army from Bergamo, then one from Brescia and finally from Cremona arrived near Milan. Under great jubilation they led the citizens back into their devastated city where they immediately began the slow process of rebuilding. The imperial administration of Milan and their support vanished without a trace.

In 1171 the Milanese honoured the cities of Cremona, Brescia and Bergamo by putting a relief and a plaque on the rebuilt Porta Romana depicting their  return under the shields of the Lombard League. And surprise, surprise that image is on the artwork for this episode.

The triumphant entry into Milan from 1171

The now five cities then took their armies to Lodi, that changed sides after a brief siege. Lodi, the city that the emperor had re-founded, where he had himself a great palace built that was the centre of his administration when he was in Italy, Lodi that had been a sworn enemy of Milan, that had been burnt down several times and that had so enthusiastically devastated Milan Lodi joined the Lombard League. The League then besieged the mighty castle of Trezzo that held the key to Lombardy and had been a focal point of military activity during the two previous sieges of Milan. Trezzo held out until mid- August hoping for relief but in vain. Piacenza was next to sign a treaty of friedship with its old friends the Milanese and its old archenemies, the Cremonese. The joint army moved on to Parma, a city Barbarossa was utterly convinced would remain loyal. Again, Parma surrendered and joined, as did Bologna. Less unexpectedly, several months later, on December 1, 1167 the league of Verona and the Lombard league joined together. They agreed on the key political objective, not to completely throw off the imperial yoke, but to limit the regalia to those exercised in the hundred years before Barbarossa’s reign.

Within a month the imperial administration in Italy had completely disintegrated. Only Pavia, Novara and Vercelli remained loyal to the emperor. I doubt that was because they loved the imperial tax collector but more that they feared the power of a resurgent Milan.

Lombard league mebers – white bit in the centre is Pavia

The old chessboard model of Italian politics where all the white squares were constantly at war with the black squares suddenly went all white, or all black, whatever you prefer. The imperial tyranny had forged a coherent political entity from Venice to Pisa and from Ferrara to Verona. If the emperor were to attack one city an army from all Lombard cities could be raised quickly and brought to its defence.

What did Barbarossa do? Well, you know already. He was in Italy in the spring and summer of 1167. With a very large army. This army however was directed at the city of Rome.

In hindsight, the right thing for him to do would have been to return to Lombardy when he heard about the formation of the league , overrun the still broken walls of Milan and call an end to this rebellion. Hindsight is a fabulous thing, but rarely available at decision time.

If we put ourselves into Barbarossa’s shoes, the options were two. He could go back up to Lombardy, but that would have meant to leave Alexander III in control of Rome. And that would have been the last time he had a shot at Alexander III. No way he could muster a similarly sized army again. The financial support from Lombardy would surely be reduced even if he regained the upper hand over the communes. And without money there will be no mercenaries and the princes certainly had enough of Italy.  

If on the other hand Rome falls quickly, he could turn his men around and still knock these pesky towns for six. It might even be easier because having captured Alexander III the schism would be over, and he would control the papacy.

Option 2 looks rationally the better one. What he is unlikely to have thought about was option 3, the thing that actually happened.

The great old defence mechanism of the popes, disease, ended all of Barbarossa’s plans. Only days after breaking the walls and gaining entry into the holy city, dysentery took hold. His men and a large number of princes died within days, amongst the Rainald von Dassel, the man who helped design his policies and who he had put in charge of Italy. That we talked about in detail last week.

Malaria in Italy

Barbarossa’s return journey from Rome in the summer of 1167 turned into a nightmare. He managed to get to Pisa, a city still loyal as no taxes had been levied there. They gave him a great reception and hosted a meeting where he made plans to go to Lombardy using soldiers from Pisa, Lucca and other Tuscan cities.  But before that army could muster the cries for help from Pavia became shrill. Lodi had sided with the League. He needed to get there fast if he wanted to rescue anything of his previous acquisitions. But crossing the Apennine mountains proved difficult. The city of Pontremoli, not one of the greatest of medieval Italian powers and previous recipient of imperial largesse blocked his path. Even they had joined the Lombard league. The imperial bodyguard was barely able to ensure the safety and security of the empress Beatrix and the two sons, barely toddlers at the time. She had to protect them rom flying arrows with her shield. They only got through by climbing along mountain paths above the town of Pontremoli.

Strategic positioon of Pontremoli on the route between Tuscany and Padua

Somehow they reached Pavia where Barbarossa declared the imperial ban over the cities of the Lombard league by throwing down the gauntlet. But all he could muster were a few raids into Milanese territory that had little effect. As the league geared up to besiege Pavia, the decision was made to go home. At that point even Novara and Vercelli joined the League.

We talked about the return journey last time. The bribe for the count of Savoy, the rush to Susa where he was nearly murdered and the solitary transition of the mountain pass. Next week we will talk about what he did when he got back – well for nearly 6 years, very little. Only after that does he gradually regain his mojo and takes another run at Italy. Let’s see how that pans out. I hope to see you then.

And in the meantime, if you feel like supporting the show or want to get hold of these bonus episodes, sign up on patreon.com/historyofthegermans. All the links are in the show notes.

The Hand of God brings down Barbarossa’s Empire

This week we do what we have done so many times and seem to be unable to avoid, talk about the conflict between pope and emperor. And that always means trouble, bad decisions and a siege of Rome.  But boy, this time is not another standard schism, this time it is showdown.

Hello and Welcome to the History of the Germans: Episode 57 – The Hand of God

This week we do what we have done so many times and seem to be unable to avoid, talk about the conflict between pope and emperor. And that always means trouble, bad decisions and a siege of Rome.  But boy, this time is not another standard schism, this time it is showdown.

Before we start just a reminder. The History of the Germans Podcast is advertising free thanks to the generous support from patrons. And you can become a patron too and enjoy exclusive bonus episodes and other privileges from the price of a latte per month. All you have to do is sign up at patreon.com/historyofthegermans or on my website historyofthegermans.com. You find all the links in the show notes. And thanks a lot to Paul, Gerrit and Gunnar who have already signed up.

Last week we had left Barbarossa standing in the smouldering ruins of what was once Western Europe’s largest city, Milan. His harsh justice here and in the small town of Crema had broken communal resistance in Italy for now. But despite the military success, several strands of Barbarossa’s policy were coming apart.

When the Staufer had set out his reign, he saw a good relationship with the papacy as a crucial element of his longer-term plan. The antagonism between Rome and Germany that culminated in the so-called Investiture Controversy that had broken the back of the Salian regime. Subsequent emperors including Barbarossa had made huge efforts to maintain a good relationship with the papacy. Right at the start of his reign Barbarossa had entered into the treaty of Constance with pope Hadrian IV. The two parties had agreed on a common approach vis-à-vis the King of Sicily, the Roman Commune and emperor Manuel in Constantinople.

But by 1156 the treaty of Constance had already begun to fray. Barbarossa had not made a huge effort to subdue the Roman Commune or to attack King William of Sicily. As for emperor Manuel his envoys were waving documents that suggested Barbarossa had given them permission to occupy parts of Southern Italy. The originals of the letters are lost, so there is no way to find out whether they were genuine. If they were, then Barbarossa had indeed broken his commitment to the pope.

But it was Pope Hadrian IV who formally broke the treaty when he came to an understanding with King William of Sicily. He called the Sicilian the most brilliant in wealth and achievement amongst all the kings and dearest son in Christ before granting him more fiefs than any of his predecessors possessed.

The agreement with William could probably be overlooked given the emperor had left the pope defenceless and without a secure hold on Rome when he had to go home. But what broke the camel’s back was the fateful letter to Besancon where Hadrian may or may not have implied Barbarossa was his vassal by using the word “Beneficia”. Attempts were made to calm things down and Hadrian even wrote a conciliatory letter saying that this was a terrible misunderstanding, but on a personal level the two men no longer trusted each other.

As for papal policy the agreement between William of Siciliy and the Pope was a major turning point. For more than 30 years the Popes had looked north for help against the threat from the rising Sicilian kingdom. Lothar III and Konrad III had been supported in their attempt to seize power by the pope with the specific objective to make them come down to Rome and help strengthening the pontiff’s position. When Barbarossa’s men turned around and went home in 1155 it had become clear that reliance on German support was misguided. The interests of the empire and the church were no longer two sides of the same coin but structurally opposed to each other.

The differences were part political and part ideological.

The political differences stemmed from Barbarossa’s attempt to establish firm imperial control over Northern Italy. An emperor who would reside regularly on the Italian peninsula was a distinctly uncomfortable prospect for the pope. Other than the king of Siciliy, the emperor could and did claim overlordship of what would later be called the papal states. Though the papal propaganda machine pushed it at every opportunity, it was widely known that the Constantine donation was a fake. The pope had not been granted full suzerainty over large parts of central Italy because he had cured the imperator of leprosy. Though Pippin the Short and Otto the Great had confirmed papal rights to this territory, the legal basis on which it rested was wobbly to say the least. Even more worrisome, the city of Rome itself had moved into the imperial camp, acknowledged imperial overlordship of the city and sent troops for the first siege of Milan. Things became even more tense when Barbarossa began applying the laws of Roncaglia to the papal lands, demanding the regalia and the Fodrum.

Somewhat ironically the conflict between pope and emperor in Italy was a long-term effect of the Investiture Conflict. As the papacy had helped undermine the power of the monarch in Germany, Italy became the place where emperors sought the resources to compete with the powerful German magnates. In particular the later Hohenstaufen saw Italy as the power base from which to control the German part of the empire.

Apart from the political chasm that had opened up between pope and emperor, there was also an ideological divide. The papacy had by now fully absorbed the Gregorian reform, or at least the parts relating to papal omnipotence. Even those popes who could barely hold on to Rome fundamentally believed that all legitimacy flowed from God and that they, as the vicar of Christ were the ones who invested the kings and emperors. All secular rulers were to be subservient to the pope. The cardinal Rolando Bandinelli had put it most succinctly in Besancon, “From whom did he get the crown, if not from the lord Pope”

Barbarossa and his circle, in particular Rainald von Dassel and the Four Doctors of Bologna, created a new, competing ideology. The empire was holy in and of itself, not through derivation from the church. It was part of the world order god has created where the two swords, that of secular power and that of spiritual power fought as equals and in harmony against the enemies of Christendom. And the empire went back to a time well before Christ and before the church was established. Its rulers, as laid out in the code of Justinian were given ultimate temporal power over all their subjects, and that includes the members of the church.

This ideological rift has gone well beyond the quite specific issues of the investiture conflict that had been put to bed by the Concordat of Worms.  By now the gap has become unbridgeable and conflict between pope and emperor resumes.

This conflict was not only structural but even comparatively minor issues couldn’t be resolved thanks to a specific  element of papal – the idea that there was no man or court of men could judge a pope. For instance, Barbarossa had suggested to resolve the question of the application of the laws of Roncaglia by arbitration. He suggested that a court of three imperial and three papal representatives would decide whether imperial regalia can be claimed within the Patrimonium Petri. But that was unacceptable since it would subject the pope to the judgement of a court of men. The inability to create a resolution mechanism meant that whatever conflict arose, it would only end with either one party defeated or some miracle of diplomacy.

By 1159 the two sides were now at loggerheads over the imperial rights in the papal lands and specifically over the rights the emperor can exercise in Rome. The Roman senate had as mentioned become closer to the emperor following the papal alliance with the king of Sicily. The city feared, not without justification, that the pope would use his new vassal and friend to wipe the communal government of the eternal city from the face of the earth. Hence, they approached the emperor for support. Barbarossa answered in one of his most famous expressions: quote: “Since by the ordination of God I both am called and am Emperor of the Romans, in nothing but name shall I appear to be ruler if the control of the Roman city be wrested from my hands.” Unquote.

As this conflict heated up, pope Hadrian IV made contact with the Lombard cities opposed to the Laws of Roncaglia, specifically Milan, Piacenza, Brescia and Crema. Whether as a part of this agreement or independent thereof, Hadrian IV had made up his mind to bring the conflict into the open and excommunicate Barbarossa. The only reason this did not happen was because Hadrian IV died on September 1st, 1159.

The college of cardinals which just 10 years earlier was all geared up to fight the King of Sicily was now overwhelmingly supportive of the Normans. Hadrian IV’s chancellor Roland Bandinelli who had negotiated the alliance with William of Sicily was their leader. Bandinelli was not only the proponent of the Sicilian alliance, he was also the man who had brought about the wrath of Barbarossa when he suggested the emperor was just a vassal of the pope.

The minority faction was led by cardinal Octavian of Monticelli. Octavian was from the highest Roman aristocracy and a distant cousin of Barbarossa.

No prizes for which of the two candidates the Imperial party wanted to see on throne of St. Peter. Whether there was imperial involvement in the election is almost as debated as the question whether Roland Bandinelli and his faction had made a secret deal with the Communes and Sicily. What we can say though is that there were imperial envoys in Rome at the time of the election. One of those envoys was Otto von Wittelsbach, the man who had tried to run Roland Bandinelli through with his sort at the diet of Besancon.

Since 1059 canon law had set out that popes were to be elected by the college of cardinals, most specifically by the cardinal-bishops. But as we have seen, not a lot of elections followed that rule. Gregory VII, the most significant pope of the 11th century was elevated by the people of Rome without election. Pope Innocent II was elected by only a minority of cardinals but had prevailed over Anaclet II. You have to keep that in mind when looking at what happens next.

On September 7th, 1159, an unknown number of cardinals gather behind the high alter of the Basilica of St. Peter to elect a new pope.  The majority vote for Roland Bandinelli and he proceeds to put on the papal mantle. At that point cardinal Octavian rugby tackles the elected pontiff and grabs the mantle. He then tries to put the mantle on himself but the pro Bandinelli cardinals rip it out of hands. An attendant brings Octavian a copy of the original mantle that he now attempts to put on but gets it back to front. Despite the wardrobe malfunction, the minor clergy of St. Peters acclaims him as pope Victor IV. Meanwhile some armed men, supporters of Octavian enter the basilica and Bandinelli and his band of bishops flee into one of our favourite places, the fortress of the frangipani in the Colosseum. They skip town a few days later and Bandinelli himself was crowned pope Alexander III in the church of Santa Maria Maggiore in the town of Ninfa. The town was abandoned in 1382 and the ruins of its  church is today a centrepiece in one of the greatest garden landscapes in Europe, the Giardini di Ninfa.

Now back to Victor IV. Though it looked initially as if he had some support in the city and clergy of Rome, that dwindled away quite quickly and, instead of a proper enthronisation in St. Peter, he had to settle for a low-key ceremony in the monastery of Farfa. By that time he only had one cardinal bishop supporting him who happened to be his close relative. Many of the 9 who had voted for him had by now defected to Alexander III.

Another schism. This one will last for a long time, 17 years to be precise.

Victor IV may not have much support within the church, but he thought he could rely on his imperial sponsors. Nobody knows what Otto von Wittelsbach had promised him before the election and we do not know whether Barbarossa was happy for things to escalate as they did.

Outwardly he tried to appear neutral and – like all good Christians – very concerned about the break-up of the church. To resolve the issue he called a synod in Pavia where both popes would present their case and the assembled clergy would then decide who was the rightful pope. That synod was initially scheduled for January 1160 but because the brave city of Crema had held out for much longer than expected had to be postponed to early February. It is quite likely that the citizens of Crema escaped with their lives mainly because of the time pressures of that Synod.

Victor IV came to that synod as expected but Alexander III refused arguing again that he, as pope, cannot be judged by men. His refusal to show was the main argument why the synod voted for Victor IV.

However, this event dd not resolve much. Though invitations had gone out the episcopate of France, England and Spain, none of them showed. Apart from imperial bishops only the church leaders of Bohemia, Poland and Denmark made an appearance. And even some German bishops abstained, most prominently the archbishop of Salzburg.

Imperial diplomacy had made great efforts to convince king Louis VII and king Henry II to come in on Victor IV. side. This failed in part because Alexander III inherited the papacy’s diplomatic machine. Most papal legates who had built relationships with local bishops and aristocrats of France for decades had sided with Alexander III. Vitor’s supporters within the church and the imperial envoys had little standing in the west. Yes, there were ties of friendship and Barbarossa knew Louis VII personally from the Second Crusade, but it was not enough.

The other problem was that Victor IV had no theological value proposition. If we look back at the last schism between Innocent II and Anaclet II, each contender represented a different set of beliefs. Anaclet was old school Gregorian and scholastic whilst Innocent II represented church reform 2.0 and mysticism. Victor IV was not associated with any particular movement within the church. His distinctive policy was purely political, being pro-imperial. No wonder this had not much appeal outside the Holy Roman Empire. In particular in the 1060s when Barbarossa is talking control of Northern Italy which makes him the most powerful monarch in Europe. 

This schism is one of the most impenetrable events I have come across in the making of the podcast so far. The reason for that is that primary sources are contradictory on almost every single event. That is new and has a lot to do with the improved public relations machine of the empire. During the investiture conflict, practically all sources were supportive of Gregory VII and the papacy, largely because most of the authors were clerics and because Henry IV did not place enough emphasis on controlling the narrative. Barbarossa is very different. He is a competent politician and understands very well how important it is to put his side of the story across. He regularly publishes circulars laying out his side of the argument and employs biographers like Otto von Freising to create his legacy.

With such a confusing set of sources I could take you through the pro and con of the storyline on each event but that would take us probably about 60 minutes and I am not sure it would add much. Hence you will now hear a version of the story that I found most convincing or where it is unclear, the most amusing. Just remember, it may all have been different.

One this that everyone agrees upon is that When Milan fell in 1162 and imperial forces were becoming available to march on Rome, Alexander III fled to France.

Barbarossa made another attempt to resolve the schism through a church synod. He agreed with King Louis VII of France that they should gather at a bridge on the border between France and the empire near Dijon. Barbarossa would bring Victor IV and Louis would bring Alexander II as well as a large contingent of bishops and abbots.  The bishops and abbots would then debate the question who the right pope was and make a binding decision. Everyone agrees to follow that binding decision and hey presto that would be the end the schism.

Which gets us to the question why did Louis VII consent to this when Victor IV had no appeal to him and his episcopate?. Well, that has a lot to do with bits of English history you guys may be more familiar with. Louis VII is that French king who had been married to Eleanor of Aquitaine who divorced him and married Henry II of England. That marriage and the lands he had inherited from his father Fulk of Anjou had made Henry the by far most powerful prince in France. Henry and Louis were tied in a practically never-ending war. So far Barbarossa had kept out of this fight, but the defeat of Milan, the schism and support for Alexander III created the risk of a German intervention in this rather precariously balanced conflict. So, Louis had to appease Barbarossa and would probably have thrown Alexander III to the wolves in order to protect his crown. But Alexander escaped from this predicament by brokering a peace agreement between Henry and Louis at the very last minute. With that in place, no more need to kowtow to the emperor and risking eternal damnation for sending the rightful pope to a dank imperial prison.

Louis now has only one problem, which is how to wiggle out of the agreement with Barbarossa.

Given he had promised to come, and a royal promise has to be kept, the King of France arrived on the bridge at the prescribed time and date, but he did not bring pope Alexander III. In one telling Barbarossa simply missed this crucial appointment and Louis VII turned around after waiting a few hours. That sounds very improbable. In the other version Barbarossa did meet Louis on the bridge and Louis told him that unfortunately the pope was held up. But he promised Alexander would be here within the next 3 weeks.

That was a smart way to blow up the synod without looking bad. A 3-week delay is not unusual given the state of roads in the 12th century and king Louis cannot be expected to drag Alexander to Dijon in chains. So he looks as if he is willing to resolve the schism. Barbarossa on the other hand cannot wait 3 weeks. To make sure he had the numbers to get his man elected he had brought some 50 bishops, 8 abbots and 30 great princes. Even the king of Denmark had come along. Overall, there were some 3,000 people camped along the River Saone. No way these poor lands could feed such a large number of people for a whole 3 weeks.

Under these circumstances the planned synod with the French could not go ahead. To avoid completely cancelling it, Rainald von Dassel changed it into a imperial synod only. What mad eit worse was that he declared that the pope to be no more than the bishop of Rome and given Rome was an imperial city, an imperial assembly was enough to decide who was pope. The French were not necessary and all that trip to Burgundy had only been a courtesy.

This was an epic PR disaster that made abundantly clear that Victor IV was an imperial puppet.

The schism continued unabated.

2 years later pope Victor IV was dead. Two days after his death Rainald von Dassel arranged the election of Guido of Crema as pope Paschalis III. Bishop Henry of Liege consecrated him. The fact that only one cardinal and maybe 8 bishops and some Roman noblemen were present at this “election” shows how little support the antipopes had within the church.

The other item of note here is that Rainald von Dassel acted without prior authorisation from the emperor. Older historians used this fact to put the blame for the continuation of the schism on Rainald von Dassel. However, modern scholars argue, quite rightly as I think, that it is unlikely Barbarossa had not given clear instruction as to what to do in case of the death of Victor IV. Barbarossa never reproached Rainald for any of his actions and rewarded him with lands and privileges in 1164, something unlikely to have happened if Rainald had acted against imperial wishes.

The election of Paschalis III not only prolonged the schism but also sheds light on how imperial rule has changed between 1152 and 1164. You may remember the episode The Barbarossa where I enthuse lyrically about the emperor as he was depicted on the Kappenberger Kopf. This image was most likely made before 1158 and the person depicted there was a great politician who had negotiated an end to the endless German civil war, had found an accommodation with the papacy that resulted in a quick imperial coronation and had re-established imperial rights in Italy.

The Barbarossa of 1164 is almost a different person. His defeat of Milan and the ideology of the Holy Roman Empire had made him an uncompromising defender of the honour of the empire. The destruction of Crema and Milan may still be attributed to the standards of Italian warfare, but now this pig-headed insistence on defending his antipope was something different. In France and England people were fearing that Barbarossa was out for world domination. His chancery would describe the French and English monarchs as reguli, little provincial kings, subservient to the emperor. A poet in the pay of Rainald von Dassel described him as “Emperor Frederick, Prince of all princes of the world” and “lord of the world whose yoke is light to all good men”

I do not want to go too far down the slippery slope of historical parallels, but the transition from recovery to world domination in a short period seems a pattern that goes back a long time. This medieval episode we discuss today is long forgotten and overshadowed by the events of the 19th and 20th century, but it is part of the German and European subconscious. It is this idea that Germany has been so unaccustomed to political and military strength that it cannot control it or be trusted with it. Margaret Thatcher fundamentally believed this, which is why she insisted on deep integration of a reunified Germany within the European union, including the Euro. And it still drives concerns at least in Germany over the recent announcement to heavily invest in the Bundeswehr. This is a history podcast, not a political one, so I will leave it at that.

Back to the 12th century. By 1165 Barbarossa’s determination to push the case of his antipope begins to undermine his otherwise strong position amongst the German episcopate. The archbishop of Mainz, the Primas of the German bishops, first disappears on pilgrimage and then declares obedience to Alexander III. Barbarossa has him excommunicated and then replaced. The newly elected archbishop of Salzburg, himself Barbarossa’s uncle declares for Alexander III who makes him his legate in Germany.

Despite the opposition Barbarossa doubles down and makes his princes swear the oath of Wuerzburg, never, ever to acknowledge Alexander III. To convince his reluctant bishops and princes to take the oath, he took it himself. That is an extremely rare occurrence. The emperor, like the pope does not swear oaths as all his pronouncements carry the weight of the office. Where treaties require oaths, these are usually taken by the most prominent princes or ecclesiastics. Emperor Henry IV did not even swear to the terms of reconciliation at Canossa himself but had his intermediaries including abbot Hugh of Cluny swear on them on his behalf. An emperor making an oath himself is a big deal. Barbarossa is willing to throw away one of the great symbols of his office to support this bishop of Rome.

This oath of Wuerzburg does not help at all. What it meant was the emperor was now in a corner. Any reconciliation with Alexander would cause massive reputational damage. He now has to go after the pope at all and any cost.

The first victim is the archbishop of Salzburg whose lands are devastated, and the city of Salzburg burnt down. Barbarossa who had brought peace now brings war into Germany.

In 1166 the antipope Paschalis III does his one and only useful service to the emperor, the canonisation of Charlemagne. By now most European nations had a national saint, usually one of its ancient rulers. England had Edward the confessor, France had Saint Denis, Hungary had Saint Stephen and so forth. The empire had a former ruler who had become a saint, Henry II. But Henry II was first and foremost the saint of the city of Bamberg, place he had founded and generously endowed. He was not a focal point for the Holy Roman Empire. Charlemagne however would be a nearly ideal candidate. Not only was he a fighter for Christendom who had converted the Saxons, or at least those who survived his administrations of the gospel by fire and sword. And he was the last emperor who had undisputedly ruled most of Western Europe.

In a splendid ceremony the grave of Charlemagne is opened again. Last time that happened was when Otto III did open it in this weird attempt at communing with the long dead predecessor. This time the bones of the great Carolingian were lifted and placed into golden reliquary. Not the one you see today, that was made during the reign of his grandson, Frederick II. Barbarossa however left many valuable presents in Aachen, most famously the great chandelier made from gilded copper comprising 8 semicircular elements flanked by 8 towers that exactly reflects the octagonal structure of the chapel at a ratio of 1:4.

Did it work? Not really. Charlemagne is still shared or split depending on your viewpoint between Germany and France.

Oaths and Chandelier however did not get rid of pope Alexander III. The only solution now was military. By 1164 Alexander III had found enough support in Rome so that he could return to the Holy city where he now resided. And he began negotiations about one of the things Barbarossa and his advisers had feared already in 1157 when Alexander, then a mere cardinal had argued the emperor was a mere vassal of the pope. Alexander was discussing with emperor Manuel about recognising the ruler of Constantinople as the sole emperor of east and west and a merger of the eastern and western churches.

The imperial army set off in October 1166 from Augsburg. This army was no longer an army of loyal princes who brought along their retinue of knights. Yes, some of it still was, but by now Barbarossa had used up all his feudal credits and had to rely on mercenaries. These were known as Brabazones or Brabanters presumably because many hailed from the low countries. The army’s progress was slow and impeded by the Lombard cities. We will talk about the developments in Northern Italy between 1162 and 1167 in the next episode. Just for the purposes of this narrative you should know that with few exceptions the Lombard cities had risen up against imperial rule.

These regular skirmishes with cities slowed down progress and required Barbarossa to split his army. Rainald von Dassel led one contingent along the West coast of Italy through Tuscany south, whilst Barbarossa himself went along the eastern shore.

Rainald von Dassel’s journey was unexpectedly successful. He encountered a Roman/papal army near Tusculum at the end of May Despite being seriously outnumbered his forces beat the Romans comprehensively. The new archbishop of Mainz, Christian von Buch, made his name as a warrior in this battle. As a cleric he was not allowed to use a sword and hence brought death and destruction to his enemies with his enormous club. On the opposite side, two cardinals also died in the fighting. When the imperial army appeared before the gates of Rome the Senate and the populace turned against Alexander who took again refuge in the Frangipane fortress in the Colosseum.

Barbarossa meanwhile got bogged down first in a siege of Ancona and then with relieving a castle under attack from the Sicilians. It took him until the end of July to arrive in Rome. The imperial army broke through the gates of the Vatican city quite easily but then found resistance at the Castel St. Angelo and at the now fortified basilica of St. Peter. In the attack on St. Peter the church of Santa Maria in Turri which was adjacent to the great basilica caught fire. Several priceless relics and images of Christ were destroyed. The fire spread to the atrium and then the doors of St. Peter itself. At that point the defenders of St. Peter surrendered and the fires could be extinguished. The destruction of this most holy place in Christendom was shocking. Many believed the fires were laid deliberately by imperial soldiers making it even more of a sacrilege. Welf VI, Barbarossa’s uncle and in his youth his best friend, ally and mentor cursed his nephew and the entire army.

With the Vatican city taken by imperial troops the Senate of Rome was ready to come to terms. Rome accepted imperial sovereignty and gave up some of the more radical pretences of communal independence and in exchange Barbarossa and Paschalis III recognised the Senate in perpetuity.

Paschalis III was enthroned in the damaged church of St. Peter on 1st of August and immediately crowned the empress Beatrix and Frederick for a second time, just for good measure

Barbarossa’s victory would have been complete had it not been for the escape of Alexander III. The pontiff had left the city just before the coronation, disguised as a simple pilgrim.

On August 2nd a torrential downpour pounded the city. The sudden storm swamped the camp and tore the tents away. Within hours many men and horses began to die. The symptoms included a high fever, headaches, intense pains in the stomach and intestines, great fatigues and an awful stench emitted by the stricken before they died. It was long believed the epidemic had been malaria, but it is more likely to have been dysentery. The sudden rainfall had overwhelmed the primitive sanitary conditions and the drinking water became contaminated with faeces.

Barbarossa and Beatrix, whose accommodation was on a hill overlooking the camp escaped the disease. But of the great princes that accompanied the emperor many died. The bishops of Prague, Liege, Verden, Regensburg, Augsburg and Speyer. But most devastating for the emperor, his trusted advisor, Rainald von Dassel fell victim of the plague. As did some great princes, Welf VII, Frederick of Rothenburg, the son of King Konrad III, Theobald of Bohemia, the counts of Nassau, Pfullendorf, Sulzbach, Tubingen, Leuchtenberg and many more.

Estimates for the overall death toll varied but everyone agreed this was an act of God. The emperor had desecrated not just the Basilica of Saint Peter but the church itself with his support of the antipope. Barbarossa left Rome on August 6th, 5 days after his triumphal entry and coronation.

Alexander III returned to the Lateran palace and renewed his excommunication of Barbarossa. He relieved all Italians from their oath of fealty to the emperor. Apart from a handful of cities all of Lombardy was now in open rebellion. Whatever was left of his army shrunk by the day due to defections of princes as well as unpaid mercenaries. 

No longer was he the ruler of Northern Italy, his main concern was now how to escape back home. The only route open was via the pass of Mont Cenis between Piedmont and Burgundy. Count Humber III of Savoy was prepared to let him pass in exchange for granting him the county of Turin. In March 1168 he is Susa at the bottom of the pass when he hears that the townspeople are out to kill him. He sneaks away in the night leaving his chancellor in his bed as a decoy. With just 2 companions he crossed the pass and reaches the safety of Burgundy, an ignominious end to his imperial ambitions.

In a way this it is ironic that acts of god stand both at the beginning and the end of medieval imperial ambitions. The battles of Birten and Andernach were the acts of God that allowed Otto I’ s ride to imperial power. Now it is the destruction of the imperial army in Rome that puts an end to them.

Though we are not done with the Holy Roman Emperors by any means but that byword, instead of being an ideology that dominates Europe will turn into a witty pun.

Next week we will first take a look at developments in Northern Italy during the time period we just discussed and see how Barbarossa fundamentally changes his policy. You may not believe it, but we are only half way through his reign. I hope to see you then.

And in the meantime, if you feel like supporting the show or want to get hold of these bonus episodes, sign up on patreon.com/historyofthegermans. All the links are in the show notes.

….and then Barbarossa razes Milan to the ground

This week we will see how the Italian Communes take the Laws of Roncaglia. Not well is the understatement of the 12th century. Prepare for some epic sieges and harsh imperial justice.

Hello and Welcome to the History of the Germans: Episode 56 – The siege of Crema

First up, a quick apology for the delayed publication of this episode. I did go away for Easter and all that chasing of eggs and barbecuing is not conducive to producing history podcasts. Normal service will resume next Thursday. 

This week we will see how the Italian Communes take the Laws of Roncaglia. Not well is the understatement of the 12th century. Prepare for some epic sieges and harsh imperial justice.

Before we start just a reminder. The History of the Germans Podcast is advertising free thanks to the generous support from patrons. And you can become a patron too and enjoy exclusive bonus episodes and other privileges from the price of a latte per month. All you have to do is sign up at patreon.com/historyofthegermans or on my website historyofthegermans.com. You find all the links in the show notes. And thanks a lot to John and Ed and Karri who have already signed up. And then I want to give a very special shout out to Suzanne – superfan of the show since literally day one. Thanks so much for all your encouragement, advice and generosity, something that kept me going when I got excited when an episode barely  hit 200 downloads over seven days.

Now back to the show. Last week Barbarossa promulgated the laws of Roncaglia, or more precisely endorsed the application of Roman law for the Italian part of the empire. Roman law was the laws of Imperial Rome where the emperor is the source of all laws and laws apply at the pleasure of the ruler. And more tangible terms, the emperor reclaimed almost all the imperial regalia, the rights to mint coins, charge tolls and hold markets, rights worth 30,000 pounds of silver annually. Not just that but he also asserted his right to build fortified palaces inside all Italian cities, take over their jurisdiction and appoint podestas with dictatorial powers. That made him at least theoretically the richest prince in Christendom.

Though I thought I had done a reasonable job with last episode, and it was one of the more research-intensive ones I have done, but I must admit that I had missed something quite important. I did not talk about what the emperor offered the Italian cities in return for all that gold, palaces and sheer power. His deal was the same deal his most eminent predecessor, the divine Augustus had offered the Roman people in exchange for their republican freedoms – peace.

Civil strife in Italy was even more endemic and certainly even more brutal than in Germany. Each one of these cities was out to destroy the other, raze them to the ground and salt the earth. This kind of  fighting had been going on for at least 40 years and from any third party perspective, the communes should be worn out and begging for peace.

Thomas Hobbes would have seen this anarchic situation where his Leviathan would naturally assume all the rights and powers to bring safety and security for his subjects to live in. And if you look at European history between 1100 and 1800, 9 out of 10 times a society was offered peace in exchange for submission, they took it.

But the world of the Italian communes in the 12th century was the odd one out. These cities were at it hammer and tongs and saw no reason to stop. They may not be quite a war hungry as the Greek Polis of the classical period, but war was in their blood. Peace was for the wimps over in Bergamo, Tortona, Lodi or whichever competitor your own city most despised. Conflict and violence was not limited to the relationship between communes but also within communes. There was regular fighting between the bishop, the urban aristocrats, the merchants, the lower vassals, major landowners in the Contado like monasteries, and the urban underclass, all that in ever changing alliances. To say it with the Mandalorian, this is the way.

And way, did Barbarossa not get that. He did understand violence, that is not the problem. He had grown up in the German civil wars of the investiture controversy. But the difference was that in Germany the fighting was between cousins who were coveting political dominance or a specific right or land. But they weren’t out to utterly eradicate their opponents, roots and all. The rules of chivalry that gradually emerged also put limitations on the violence. And finally, the political actors were individuals who could be appeased, whilst the city factions and whole cities were like the Lernean hydra where you can cut off one head and two new ones would grow in their stead.

Bottom line, peace was not what the Italians wanted. As for the other component of Barbarossa’s successful policy in Germany, the integration of the powerful magnates in the decision-making process, there seems to have been little of that in Italy. In the German lands he could use established processes like royal assemblies and courts of princes. Italy had no established coordination mechanism between the different communes and Barbarossa did not establish one. Whether he did not do that due to the complexity involved in regular consultations or out of snobbery is hard to determine from the sources.  

There we are. If the Italians are not willing to submit in exchange for peace, that can only mean one thing, war. And an epic war it will be, a war that lasts with interruptions for 19 years, until 1177. 

Barbarossa, despite all the learned speeches and smart Doctors of Law and all that clever legalese was not going to leave his great new governance model to chance. At Roncaglia he demanded hostages from all the cities, not just from hostile Milan and its allies or waverers like Verona and Piacenza, but even from loyal Pavia and Cremona who had supported him all the way.

The first issues did not materialize in Milan, but in Genoa. Genoa had traditionally been loyal to the empire and had sent valuable presents to the first assembly at Roncaglia in 1155. But they boycotted the second assembly in 1158 and had hence not sworn to the laws of Roncaglia. The emperor came down to Liguria and demanded fealty and the regalia from the proud maritime republic. The Genoese refused saying, quite rightly, that they occupied but a modest amount of land in the empire whilst protecting the Middle Sea from Barcelona to Rome from Muslim attack something it would cost the Reich 10,000 marks of silver a year if they did it themselves.

Well, neither side had appetite for a full-blown conflict. Barbarossa had dismissed the bulk of his army and Genoa’s walls were in a pitiful state. So, the parties came to an agreement whereby Genoa paid the cash-strapped German 1,200 Mark silver and made hollow promises to hand over the proceeds of the regalia in the future and Barbarossa declared himself satisfied. The Genoese did what any sensible city father would do afterwards. They rebuild their walls post haste and within 53 days they were back in a shape to repel any attacker, at which point they probably ceremoniously burned the laws of Roncaglia and called the departed emperor names. 

He did not hear that because he was already further south taking over administration of the Lands of Matilda in Tuscany. These lands were still contested between the Empire and the Papacy and had been granted to Welf VI, Barbarossa’s uncle. The Welf had however done pretty much nada with this extremely wealthy fief.  That was now to change, imperial administrators took up the collection of dues and cities were sworn to the laws of Roncaglia. This expansion of imperial authority did not stop at the borders of the papacy. Agents were dispatched as far south as Campania to collect the Fodrum and even the cities in the papal states were instructed to hand over the Regalia. All that irritated Pope Hadrian IV adding to the massive irritation he already felt for the man he had crowned not so long ago.

By early 1159 the new administration was taking shape. Imperial envoys, including Rainald von Dassel and Otto von Wittelsbach were sent on another tour of Lombardy, this time not to demand an oath and soldiers, but to install the new imperial Podestas. Amongst others they went to Pavia, Cremona and Piacenza where they selected two of the most respected and most loyal citizens and installed them as the city’s new rulers. These cities, even Piacenza that had traditionally been hostile and had been ordered to reduce their walls and fill in their moats accepted the imperial order.

The first real resistance came from the small town of Crema, east of Milan. Crema, like Piacenza had been traditionally allied with Milan. They were ordered to take down their walls completely. Why? Crema had not done anything to deserve this, well apart from being the archenemy of Cremona.  And the Cremonese had paid the emperor 15,000 mark of silver, another utterly shocking amount of money,  for getting rid of Crema.

Here is a bit of background to the history of Crema, which is the same word as cream in Italian and Cremona, which sounds a bit like large cream in Italian. Cremona is the older and larger city dating back to the Roman empire and is the seat of a bishop. Crema was a lot younger. It appears for the first time as a possession of Matilda of Tuscany in 1074. It was very much a new town that benefitted from drainage of the wet but fertile zone between the Adda and Oglio rivers. This new land attracted farmers from across Lombardy and also many aristocrats who were looking for a community away from the cities run by bishops and merchants. All that puts little Crema at loggerheads with Cremona. The Cremonese, inhabitants of Cremona saw the new settlement as an invasion of their territory. Crema was after all within the diocese of Cremona. The Cremasci, inhabitants of Crema, did not care much about ownership rights and dioceses. They reenforced their walls, established a strong and stable alliance with Milan and gained a reputation for military prowess that very much exceeded the size of their city.

The imperial order to take down their walls was nothing short of an order to abandon their home and subject themselves to Cremonese attack. No way the Cremasci could take it. They jumped the imperial envoys who barely escaped with their lives.

News of the events in Crema including the bribe of 15,000 quickly reached Milan. Not the kind of thing that lengthens the odds of a smooth implementation of the Laws of Roncaglia.

Rainald von Dassel and Otto von Wittelsbach had stopped at new Lodi when they heard the news. Initial soundings from the metropolitan city were not encouraging for Barbarossa’s cause. The Milanese insisted on the peace agreement with the emperor from last year. This agreement explicitly allowed consular elections, so why should they have to accept some Podesta appointed by the Kaiser. And that was pretty much the line of argument the consuls and citizens of Milan took when they received Rainald and Otto into their splendid City Hall. Arguments were going back and forth, and the envoys finally offered the consuls to be elected as long as they were invested by the emperor.

The consuls agreed to take this proposal to the people who had gathered inside the Cathedral. The response was less than positive. The people not only refused but broke out into full on rioting, screaming that these imperial creatures were to die. Last minute the consuls could calm down the mob and stop them from massacring the paladins.

The city leadership is now stressed out and begs the envoys not to tell the emperor and that they would do as requested and even threw in a huge pile of money.

The envoys returned and told what happened. This whole procedure was humiliating to the envoys and even more humiliating to the emperor.

But at that point he could not do that much. He had dismissed his army and it would take a while to get reinforcements from the north. Hence he went through a charade of negotiations. He called the Milanese before an imperial session where he harshly demanded why they were unwilling to adhere to the oaths they had sworn at Roncaglia. To that they allegedly responded that they may have sworn the oath but never had any intention of keeping them. If they really had said that, the only way they could have justified that was by saying that they had been coerced to take that oath. That feeds my theory that the assembly at Roncaglia really only accepted the laws because they were surrounded by imperial soldiers.

Anyway, the Milanese clearly did not want to yield. It still took a few more months before they could be formally put into the imperial ban for refusing to appear at the third summons.

In the meantime, both sides begin putting their ducks into a row.

Barbarossa sends an order for a new army to Germany. Interestingly, this time the order goes to henry the Lion, his uncle Welf VI and his wife, Beatrix who could raise troops in Burgundy. This is interesting because what he does here is a clever way to overcome the structural deficiencies of a medieval army of vassals. A vassal was only obliged to serve for a set period of time and there were often even more limitations for services in a different country. That had been a problem for almost all of Barbarossa’s predecessors who had called all their vassals down to Italy in one go and found that they returned home after 12 to 18 months, which often meant all the gains of the campaign were almost immediately lost.

Barbarossa established a rotation system. In his first part of the campaign, he had demanded suit from the duke of Austria, the king of bohemia and the duke of Zaehringen. Henry the lion, the most resourceful German prince was allowed to stay home which means he could not refuse the imperial call now. This rotation system allowed Barbarossa to remain on campaign in Italy for years.

In the first campaign against Milan his army, though truly huge by medieval standards was not able to completely encircle the city. His new contingents were unlikely to be larger than last time, so a full investment of the city was not an option. The other point was that Milan did not fall because of a breach in the walls or a battle outside the walls. Milan fell because of its biggest vulnerability, its size. Milan had 150,000 inhabitants and that number had risen even further during the siege when the inhabitants of the surrounding area seek refuge behind its fortifications. Feeding these people and providing enough drinking water was the city’s Achilles heel.

What he needed to do to defeat Milan was to cut them off from food supply. The lands of Milan, as mentioned before, is a giant river island. Access to its Contado required crossing the Ticino, the Adda and the Po River. That was once their first line of defense but will now be their key vulnerability. Crossing these rivers to bring large amounts of food into the city requires bridges. If the imperial army can block all the bridges and devastates the land surrounding Milan, food will become scarce and sooner or later the city will fall.

And that is why he spends the next three years building a ring of fortified cities surrounding the Contado of Milan. Going anticlockwise from the southeast we have the city of Lodi that had moved to a new location. The Lodese are working overtime to set up the new fortifications. Milan will try several times to interrupt the effort but gets repulsed. Further north, Frederick helps the inhabitants of Come to rebuild their fortifications and neutralizes their old enemy and ally of Milan, the now lost city on the island in Lake Como. Bergamo, Novara, Vercelli and above all Pavia, do not need the slightest encouragement to go after the Milanese which covers the western and southern shore.

Piacenza is the big issue. They have a bridge across the po river and could resupply Milan. Not only that, but its city leadership is also showing signs of wanting to revive its old alliance with Milan. Hence the order to reduce their fortifications. Things come to a head when they stole some of the £1,200 the Genoese had been sending the emperor. Barbarossa does not have an army large enough to besiege Piacenza and quite frankly they did not work superfast at taking their walls down. So, he simply enters the city in all his splendor as a guest and the Piacentini do not dare to lay hands on him. They hand back the funds and promise to support the blockade.

That gives the emperor an inner ring around Milan that allows him to block all large-scale food supplies into the Contado. He then proceeds to lay waster to the territory itself. His army will constantly raid the lands around Milan for the next three years and at times drag out Milanese armies. It is a re-run of the torched earth policy that worked so well before, just on a larger scale.

This elaborate and sophisticated plan now needs one last element to succeed. The cities that sit outside this ring and have traditionally been allies of Milan need to be brought to heel. Brescia gets beaten by the Cremonese and caves early on. Tortona is too far and too small.

But there was one town that still defied the grand scheme. And that was the small town of Crema. Crema mattered because it lies right behind Lodi, was fiercely loyal to Milan and militarily punching well above its weight. Crema was the weakest link in the strategy and hence Crema needed to be brought down, brought down at all cost.

Crema was surrounded by a swamp, a moat and an impressive set of walls. These walls built to repel Cremonese attacks for 50 years and were well out of proportion to the size of the city. In 1138 emperor Lothar had besieged Crema but failed to break in.

The siege began in July 1159. The first to arrive before the four heavily fortified gates were the Cremonese. The emperor arrived a few days later and over time the reinforcements of Henry the Lion and Beatrix of Burgundy appeared so that the small city of maybe 10,000 could be completely surrounded. Whilst Milan was to be starved out, for Crema that would not work since the city was smaller and better provisioned. Inside the city were not just the warlike Cremasci, but also opponents of the imperial cause from Brescia, Piacenza and a contingent of Milanese.

This siege was conducted with utmost brutality. Either side would publicly execute its prisoners in full view of the other side and allegedly even torture them.

To break the formidable walls, the besiegers built multiple siege engines. One of those was an enormous moveable siege tower. The tower was allegedly 70 feet tall and 30 feet wide. It was mounted either on wheeled axles or logs and it took 500 men to move it. It had six stories of which the first one was on the level of the city walls and had a bridge the soldiers could go across on to the walls. The top five floors contained rooms from where a thousand archers could clear the walls of defenders.

The initial plan was to cross the moat with battering rams and the tower following behind, providing cover for the men operating the battering ram. To implement this plan the moat needs to be filled first. Over 2,000 wagons filled with dirt are brought forward and their content dumped in. That done the battering rams crossed over followed by the tower. The Cremasci responded by hurling stones from five mangonels and several petraries at the tower. The tower, which had cost near 2,000 pounds of silver had to be protected.

For that Barbarossa had the hostages he had taken earlier tied to the tower assuming the Cremasci would not want to kill their own people. The hostages were tied to the tower day and night and at night were made to hold a candle showing the defenders that they were still there.

The Cremasci remained undeterred and kept the bombardment of the tower going, even though the hostages were badly maimed, and some killed. It is said that the hostages themselves encouraged the defenders to keep shooting.

Barbarossa had the tower withdrawn, probably because it had not worked or maybe even he was appalled by the brutality. The engineers came up with a different solution. They covered the tower in double braided bundles of faggots, hides and bales of wool.

In the meantime, the battering ram had managed without air cover and created a gap in the wall. The city’s population built a new defensive line inside the wall overnight preventing the besiegers from breaking through. They sent out a commando squad in the night through a tunnel to destroy the ram, which failed. The next day they dropped incendiary material on to top of the housing of the battering ram, which almost did for Barbarossa who had been inside directing operations from the front.

The army had brought battering rams forward on several gates now but the city was still holding out by January 1160. The fact that little crema could tie down the bulk of the Imperial army was not just an embarrassment but increasingly a problem. The Milanese were trying to use the absence of imperial troops to regain the initiative. They besieged the small town of Erba to break the blockade and who knows how long it would take before the old allies of Milan regain the courage to rejoin the fight.

At this point Marchesius, the master engineer of Crema defected to the imperial side. Whether he was bribed, had despaired of the cause of the little city or had been held under duress in the first place, we do not know. What he did though was pointing out the weaknesses in the city’s defenses. His recommendation was to attack again at the place the walls had initially been breached but this time to bring the tower up to the walls. He also constructed a second siege engine so that the wall could be attacked on two locations. The troops of Konrad, Count Palatinate on the Rhine and Barbarossa’s half brother and Otto von Wittelsbach were to lead the operation. They did manage to get onto the top of the walls under cover of the tower’s archers but did not manage to completely dislodge the Cremasci. Konrad’s standard bearer, Bertolf of Urach jumped off the wall into the city hoping his troops would follow him. But they stayed up and he was left alone in amongst the enemy. He was immediately cut down and one of the defenders scalped him, combed his hair and attached the gruesome trophy o his helmet. Whilst this goes on the defenders keep lobbing stones at the two towers and, fearing to be cut off, Konrad ordered his men to retreat.

Though the attack had failed, the two towers remained in position and any damage was quickly repaired. At that point the outcome was obvious. The brave citizens of Crema decided that the situation was hopeless. They began negotiations and capitulated on January 26th, 1160.

The next day the inhabitants of the city all left, being allowed to carry their moveable possessions on their backs. Even the men were allowed to leave as were the soldiers from Brescia, Piacenza and Milan after handing over their weapons.

The army of Germans and Italians then looted Crema for five days, burning the city down in the process. Not just the walls, but all the houses and even the churches were razed. Nothing was to remain of the city of Crema. It will be 25 years before Crema is re-founded and it is today a quiet, beautiful little town where Germans are no longer at risk of being scalped.

With Crema gone, the war of attrition with Milan became the focus of imperial activity. Because the siege had taken so long, Piacenza had rejoined their alliance with Milan so that most of the effort was focused on disturbing supply into Milan. The other key activity was the comprehensive destruction of Milanese food production in the Contado.

As before Barbarossa had to send back the re-enforcement he had received from Henry the Lion and others in 1160 as their time was up. New contingents from Bohemia, Thuringia and the archbishopric of Cologne were expected for April 1161. The Milanese tried to take advantage of the weakened position of the emperor and made a major attempt at taking out Lodi. But that failed. Subsequent attempts to break the blockade failed as imperial forces were strengthened. The conflict remained brutal and Milanese prisoners were hanged, and soldiers had hands cut off. It was genuinely nasty.

By August 7th, 1161 Milan was ready to negotiate. They had asked several German princes, including Barbarossa’s half-brother Conrad, the Landgrave of Thuringia and the Bohemian dukes to intercede on their behalf. They offered to reduce their walls, fill in their moat, destroy some tower houses, hand over 300 hostages and pay a fine of 10,000.

The princes had guaranteed the Milanese safe conduct for the negotiations and so the consuls arrived with a small contingent of knights. It is not clear what exactly happened there but Rainald von Dassel by now elevated to archbishop of Cologne and hence in control of 500 knights fell upon the Milanese and a fight broke out. Barbarossa ordered the princes to join the fight by they reduced being deeply offended that von Dassel had refused to honor their promise of safe conduct. Barbarossa and some parts of the imperial army joined Rainald despite the complaints.

The outnumbered Milanese fled towards the city, but the citizens refused to open the gates for them fearing the imperial army would follow them through. Several hundred Milanese knights and  consuls were taken prisoner. Thus ended negotiations

After that the siege tightened further and the imperial army apprehended anyone who dared to step outside the walls. Those found to be collecting food or wood had their hands cut off. The blockade became tighter and tighter and hunger took hold of the city of 150,000.

On 21st of February they dispatched their consuls to the emperor offering two options, unconditional surrender or a negotiated settlement. The second offer included the total destruction of their walls and towers, the building of an imperial palace of whichever size and location he desired, the acceptance of a podesta and a fee to be determined.

Though several princes suggested to take the negotiated option, in the end the hard liners around Rainald von Dassel prevailed. It was to be unconditional surrender. The Milanese were made to bring their Carrioco, the enormous war cart that was the symbol of civic pride all the way over to Lodi. There they would lay down their banners before the emperor and offer their lives to his mercy.

Barbarossa took 400 hostages and then decided to visit the city himself. He ordered all the inhabitants to leave and entered the empty metropolis with his army. And then he decided his verdict. Milan, that had so often razed cities to the ground, that had shown no mercy to the people of Lodi, of Como, of Novara or Pavia should suffer the same fate. The whole of the city was to be destroyed, its walls broken and the moats filled in, their houses taken down and the great campanile knocked down. Nobody was allowed to live there anymore, only the venerable churches were allowed to remain. The Milanese were told to move into the countryside and live in villages, as they had ordered the Lodese not so long ago.

Each of the Italian allies and the German contingents were given a section of the city and destruction raged for five days. Most of it was done with fire, but some, like the Lodese who had suffered so much from Milanese oppression were the most thorough.the Campanile fell on the cathedral, destroying on off the most splendid Romanesque churches and  making way for its current duomo.

This destruction of Milan is often attributed to the counsel of Rainald von Dassel, now Archbishop of Cologne. His hardline stance was very consistent across his career, and he did advice the emperor on this. Equally some of the Lombard communes insisted on a brutal punishment. But ultimately the decision and responsibility lay with Barbarossa himself.

Of all the loot that was taken from Milan during the five days following March 26th the most famous went to Rainald von Dassel. The relics of the three kings, the magi who had brought presents to Bethlehem at Jesus’ birth. He took them from the church of Saint Eustorgio where they were kept since Constantine had sent them in 314. They are now in a most magnificent shrine in the Cathedral of Cologne, a shrine believed to be the largest reliquary in the western world.

The year 1162 could well have been the high point of Barbarossa’s reign. All his opponents in Lombardy are now not just defeated but utterly destroyed. A viable system to maintain military power has been established with rotating forces coming over every 12 to 18 months. But it was not.

What put a major spanner in the works is the thing that always puts a spanner in the works of medieval German monarchs, the papacy. The relationship with Pope Hadrian IV had already deteriorated to a point where he was about to excommunicate the emperor in early 1160. That could only be avoided by the pontiff’s sudden death. As we will see next week, the election of a new pope prove difficult and we end up again with a schism, a schism that will last 17 years, dominating the political landscape in Europe.

I hope to see you then.

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Barbarossa brings back Roman Law

Today we will talk about part two of Barbarossa’s plan to take control of the kingdom of Italy. Part one was the subjugation of Milan and the softening up of the Communes. Now comes part two – the establishment of a new system of government for Northern Italy.

Hello and welcome to the History of the Germans – Episode 55 – The Laws of Roncaglia

Today we will talk about part two of Barbarossa’s plan to take control of the kingdom of Italy. Part one was the subjugation of Milan and the softening up of the Communes. Now comes part two – the establishment of a new system of government for Northern Italy.

Before we start just a reminder. The History of the Germans Podcast is advertising free thanks to the generous support from patrons. And you can become a patron too and enjoy exclusive bonus episodes and other privileges from the price of a latte per month. All you have to do is sign up at patreon.com/historyofthegermans or on my website historyofthegermans.com. You find all the links in the show notes. And thanks a lot to Ulf and Marcus who have already signed up.

Just to recap. By September 1158 Barbarossa had completed one of the shortest and most efficient Italian campaigns of the medieval period. He had set off from Augsburg in mid-July and by early September Milan had capitulated. By October, most troop contingents both those from north of the Alps and those of the communes were on their way home and all of Italy was his.

Barbarossa meanwhile is not going home. He takes a tour of Lombardy, visits Monza where his uncle had been crowned king of Italy and then calls an Imperial Assembly on the fields of Roncaglia for November 11th.

For the Italians this whole thing starts to look a little bit odd. Why is he still here? Milan has fallen, imperial honor has been restored and the army has returned home, so surely the emperor is going home too. There must be some domestic issue or feud or something that requires his presence up north. But it can’t be helped; they show up as requested, hoping that all he wants is a last knees-up before going home.

They are in for a shock. Barbarossa is going to unleash on them a new and unexpected   weapon, more devastating than a trebuchet and more cunning than a Bohemian king, I talk of course of the professional lawyer and the Roman Law.

Roman law wasn’t new nor was the professional lawyer. Both flourished over in Constantinople. It was just in Western Europe where it had not existed for centuries.

Before 1100 law in Europe was a hotchpotch of local customs, some law codes issued in the 6th and 7th century by Germanic rulers most famously the Salic law then there were the rules of feudal law, whatever that was, we have ecclesiastical rulings and some remnants of Roman law practice, the latter only really in Italy. These laws were incoherent, patchy and often contradictory and hence judgements were unpredictable.

Judgements were provided either by a jury of peers or by the ruler alone. None of them had any legal training, making again the outcome of cases unpredictable. And finally access to justice was limited. Part of the privileges aristocrats believed they had was to bring cases to the emperor, meaning a plaintiff needed an aristocratic sponsor to get a hearing. Court procedures were also unregulated, and decision were often taken without detailed investigation or without the other party even given a chance to respond. One such case was Barbarossa’s decision to support the Lodi against Milan in 1154, without hearing the Milanese and in fact without even hearing the city leadership of Lodi either.

This state of affairs was unsatisfactory but acceptable for a largely rural society with limited monetary exchange dominated by personal obligations rooted in status as serf, free man, noble or prince. It was utterly unsuitable for the urban world of Italian communes. Merchants relationships were ruled by contracts.  They needed clarity on their legal position in order to properly assess the risks of transactions. Is

Attempts had been made to codify the existing laws into a coherent structure for example under King Henry I in England, but even there in the most advanced governmental system in Europe the task was unmanageable.

That is why the rediscovery of the Codex Juris Civilis of Emperor Justinian in some Italian convent was such an immediate success. The Codex Juris dates back to about 530 AD and contained a comprehensive, ordered, coherent and rational set of laws designed for the sophisticated urban society of the Roman Empire. It did not just contain the laws but also a collection of authoritative legal opinion on these laws and a textbook that helped students to learn to understand the law.

To understand how groundbreaking the Codex juris is, it is important to understand the different between a compilation of laws and a codex. Hansard is the official report of all parliamentary debates in the British parliament since the 18th century. It is the official record of all the laws of England and Wales. It is also very long. There are more than 600 volumes since 1980 and the total is supposedly over 2000 volumes. Neither are all these laws equally important nor is anyone physically able to read all this. And then there is the question how well all these statutes interact with each other and how the regular citizen can get an understanding of the law.

The Codex Juris is by no means short nor is it an easy read. But it is a lot shorter and a lot easier to read than Hansart. The difference between a compilation and a codex is not what is in it, but what is not in it. When the Codex Juris Civilis was created in 530 there were already several compilations of imperial legislation and of authoritative legal texts. These laws and opinions would sometimes say the diametrically opposite. The authors of the codex took all these compilations and ordered its content by subject. Then they looked at the different rules side by side and decided for one and ditched the rest. Rationality was the key driver of the decision which rules to keep. Does this rule fit with the overarching concept, does it operate in harmony with others or is it likely in tension with another part of the codex. Does it provide a fair and equitable outcome? They did the same with the authoritative legal texts from famous jurists of imperial Rome. They again ordered them by topic, matching the list of topics in the codex and stripped out the bits that were contradictory or out of synch with the overall structure.

What came out in the end was a legal system as opposed to a list of rules. A system that was logical within itself. It was also abstract. For instance, it required agreement over price and object as a requirement for anything being regarded as a contract. It does not matter whether it is a contract over a bag of grain, a journey to Constantinople or the marriage of your eldest daughter. That means the rule could still provide useful answers to issues the writers had not anticipated.

The Codex Juris was designed for an urban society that was used to import grain from Egypt, silk from China and tin from Cornwall. It was so far advanced compared to all existing law codes it was as if you had given a copy of Einstein’s theory of general relativity to an 18th century natural philosopher. The lawyers of the time could understand it after years of diligent study which propelled the application of law forward literally by centuries.

The bits that worked very well for the Italian city states and that they first adopted were the civil law parts, law of contract, law of ownership and the like. Such topics were simply non-existent in most Germanic codes. For instance, the Sachsenspiegel, a collection of the ancient laws of the Saxons that remained in force in some way until about 1900 had no provisions on how contracts are entered into, the obligations of the parties under the contract etc. It simply wasn’t something the rural society of 12th century Germany had any need for.

And, what the Italian merchants also preferred was the judge-centric legal system Roman law prescribed. In the German legal tradition, judgements were made by a jury of peers. And that is unsuitable when it comes to adjudicating complex contractual arrangements. A jury rarely has the time and the training to assess the content of a 100-page contract. I know that in some US states juries decide on such matters, but let’s just say it is a model rarely copied elsewhere. Professional lawyers who had spent years training in Roman law are more suitable judges on such matters, not because they are any less biased, but because their decisions are more predictable. They will by and large use the same sections of the law and the same legal commentary to derive their decisions, which means their judgements should be similar.

And the third component that contributed to the success of Roman law amongst the merchant elite of Italy was the concept of equity. Equity is the idea that if the outcome of a mechanical application of the law would result in an outcome that is apparently unjust or obviously not what the parties intended, then the learned judge can alter the outcome to a more sensible result. That reduces predictability but was extremely useful in cases where an unpredictable set of circumstance could lead to a frustration of the parties’ intents. Take the loss of a valuable cargo on a ship travelling from Constantinople. There are hundreds of things that could have caused that, a drunk captain, a storm, an incompetent pilot, pirates, fire on board from cooking, fire on bord due to lightening, spoiling of the goods due to heat, incompetent storage, incompetent storage ordered by the recipient etc,. etc,.  pp.

Equity is a useful concept. I can say that because I remember a time in my dissipated youth when I spent a long night writing a force majeure clause in an English law contract – where equity does not exist in the same way – and had to think of all the things that could happen to a chocolate factory in Bulgaria. And whatever had gone wrong with that factory – and in all likelihood something had – it was not on that list. I might be biased but Equity is a much more useful way to deal with that uncertainty than letting interns slave away through the night.

So, Italian merchants were supportive of the Corpus Juris as it gave them a legal framework for their commercial existence, a judiciary that could produce predictable resolutions to disputes and a concept of equity that balances potentially unjust outcomes.

But the Codex Juris did not just contain contract law and court procedure alone, it also contained something like the constitution of the Roman empire. And that constitution in the year 530 was that of an autocratic regime. The emperor was the source of all laws and stood above the law. Law was what pleases the emperor. There is even an explanation inside the Corpus Juris where the imperial authority had come from. According to this theory, the right to pass laws had originally rested with the Roman people but that under Augustus they had permanently transferred this right to the benevolent emperor. 

Subsequently under the Roman law the princeps could pass or cancel any law he liked, he can appoint the judges who are responsible to him, and he has a wide range of privileges, we will discuss in a moment.

For Barbarossa the Corpus Juris was even more an answer to all his prayers than it was to Italian merchants. It solved so many problems.

His first problem was still the foundation of his authority. The Ottonian emperors had derived their authority from the concept of sacred kingship, from being the vicar of Christ on earth. But following the investiture conflict this source of authority had been lost, or worse was now residing in the papacy who could enfeoff the emperor with it. That was unacceptable to Barbarossa because it meant the pope could easily choose someone else, say the Byzantine emperor or the King of France and make them emperor.

But where, if not from the Pope where does his authority come? Well, it is there in black and white in the Codex Juris. The emperor has absolute power over all citizens of the empire because that power has transferred to his predecessor the divine Augustus in the first century. In fact, imperial authority predates the popes and even Christianity and hence is independent of papal authority.

His second issue was that imperial administration had so far relied entirely on the chancery which was staffed with churchmen. Even though Barbarossa was able to retain the loyalty of his bishops and the German church in general throughout his reign, having a non-ecclesiastical source of smart administrators would be extremely useful. And that is where the school of Bologna comes in. They are churning out a near endless stream of young, highly trained and mostly impecunious men that could be put to good use in the imperial administration. And they will. For instance Pietro della VIgna the chancellor of Barbarossa’s grandson Frederick II was one such jurist who had studied in Bologna on a scholarship.

The third problem was more specific, how to exercise power in Italy. The German governance system did no longer work in Italy. The bishops and princes through which the emperor exercises power in Germany were simply too weak in Italy. The episcopal rights and privileges had transferred to the communes and the major princes had largely disappeared except for parts of Piedmont and some pockets in central Italy. What was needed was a legal definition of the relationship between the powerful communes and the emperor. And that is where the Corpus Juris comes in.

It was so simple. The communes had already adopted Roman law. And the corpus Juris was a codex which means it was a coherent unified law, not a pick’n choose. So conceptually if you use the rules on contract law you also accept the absolute rule of the emperor.

During this assembly in Roncaglia, Barbarossa took this line very forcefully. He did promulgate the so-called Laws of Roncaglia. They are so-called laws of Roncaglia because these weren’t new laws. The way he framed it was that these were just reminders of what the law already was according to the Codex Juris.

Let’s see what that means specifically.

The first is the Lex Regalia, the law of the imperial rights.

Do you remember the oaths that Otto and Rainald have made 57 Communes swear earlier in the year? It is the one where the citizens of each city have promised that they “shall not deprive him of his royal rights here or elsewhere, and if they should be taken from him I shall in good faith aid him to recover and retain them.”

Barbarossa thinks it is time to be a bit more specific about these royal rights. Like very specific, like having a piece of paper saying exactly what is is, specific. For that he enlists the help of the famous jurists of the university of Bologna. These four great doctors, I spare you the names, are held in the highest regard across Europe for their knowledge and understanding of the Codex Juris Civilis of Justinian. Barbarossa tasks them to produce a comprehensive list of all the Regalia, the royal rights in Italy. The lawyers draft in 28 further lawyers, one from each major city to help with the task. The professional lawyers are unleashed.

This commission comes up with a long list of regalia which include ownership of all public roads, navigable rivers, harbors and riverbanks, the right to demand any kind of tolls for transit or use of bridges, the right to mint coins, income from fisheries and salt mines. The crown also owns all lands without an owner, the property of traitors and convicted criminals and of those who live in incestuous unions. And half the treasures found on imperial or church land and all of it if he assisted in its recovery. All silver mines. The right to commandeer ships and conveyance of goods on roads. The emperor can also demand a special tax for an imperial expedition, the so-called Fodrum.

And now comes the smart bit. The Laws of Regalia stipulates that whoever currently exercises these rights has to prove ownership with an imperial charter explicitly awarding these rights.

As I mentioned before, these rights had been lost to the crown during the long imperial absences from Northern Italy. They were initially assumed by the bishops and then by the Italian communes.  Some of the bishops had received imperial charters confirming the transfer of these rights, but only when they were loyal to the emperor against the pope – so not that many. Usually the bishop had simply taken the rights without ever saying please and thank you. In the early 12th century, the communes wrestled the privileges from the bishops and again there was rarely an imperial charter confirming the transfer. They may have forced the bishop to sign a paper transferring the rights, but that was illegal without consent of the emperor.

That was it. Nobody had the necessary papers and bingo, the emperor could claim the lion’s share of all these sources of income. To get a bit of context around that. The regalia are estimated to have produced an income for the empire of 30,000 mark of silver per year. Compare that to the fine Milan paid of 9,000 mark of silver or the 400 mark of silver Henry the Proud and Pope Innocent II fell out over which cost the Welf the crown. 30,000 mark silver per year is an unimaginably large sum, dwarfing anything Barbarossa could get from Germany. And more importantly any resources any of the great German princes could ever mobilize.

The law on the regalia has some elements of Roman law as we have seen, but it is at heart still going back to traditional concepts of ownership and enfeoffment. There are three more “laws” in inverted commas that are pure Roman law.

The first is the lex palatina, the “law of the palaces” that stipulates that the emperor can erect palaces inside any city if he so chooses. When we talk about Palaces here, they aren’t luxurious homes. A palace or Pfalz in this context is a fortified structure inside the city housing a garrison as well as imperial bureaucracy. The cities that used to house an imperial palace like Pavia and Ravenna had tried to get rid of them since time immemorial. You may remember in episode 22 when emperor Conrad II gave the citizens of Pavia a harsh telling off for destroying the imperial Pfalz in 1024. The last thing any Italian commune wants is an imperial stronghold imposing central authority over the city council and the consuls.

The second one is the Lex Tributum, Law on Tributes which re-establishes the taxation system of antiquity. The emperor is thereby entitled to raise a fixed amount from each citizen as a regular poll tax as well a tax on property. If you have been following the podcast for a while you know how important the ability to raise regular taxes is to the formation of stable political entities in the Middle Ages. One of the key reasons the kings of England could fight two hundred years wars against a much larger France was their ability to raise taxes. Can you imagine how European history would have unfolded if the Holy Roman Emperors had been able to raise taxes from the richest region of Western Europe? To the Italians relief this law was not to be implemented immediately. It was more of a reminder that the emperor can bring such taxes.

The third is the lex omnis iurisdictio which declares that all jurisdiction and coercive power belongs to the prince and that all judges receive their authority from the prince and have to swear an oath to that effect. That de facto abolishes the municipal courts and replaces them with imperial courts.

All this is indeed legit under the Codex Juris Civilis and the four great Doctors of Law tell the Italian Communes that this is what it is. Barbarossa gets up and allegedly delivers a speech dripping with Latin quotations and references to the Codex Civilis. Not bad for an illiterate man with modest if not negligible Latin.

At the end of the speech the bishops, nobles and communes formally renounce their regalia and swear an oath on the four laws. Rahewin even tells the story that the communes suggest to Frederick that he should appoint a Podesta in each commune to ease implementation. A Podesta was usually an external person of good standing who was given dictatorial powers over a city for a fixed period of time. These Podestas had become necessary as strife between factions inside the city had become uncontrollable. You may have seen the pictures of San Gimignano a small town in Tuscany which has preserved many of its medieval tower houses. Practically all Italian cities were full of these family fortresses that are a physical manifestation of the brutality of city politics. It is the Capulets against Montagues everywhere.  As positions hardened between different family factions the cities became ungovernable and hence the need of a Podesta to stand in the middle for a fixed period. An imperial Podesta chosen by Barbarossa and installed for an indeterminate time is a very different proposition.

The whole these laws and the Podestas are a massive case of imperial overreach. Compare the laws of Roncaglia with the terms of the surrender of Milan. The Laws of Roncaglia are even more intrusive than the terms the defeated city had to sign.

  • Milan was allowed to keep his consuls and elections without a podesta
  • Judicial authority was awarded to legates only in cases involving the honor of the empire not everything
  • There was no mention of taxes, just a one-off payment.

It is hard to understand why the cities, in particular those who had been fighting alongside Barbarossa against Milan would accept such terms. Well, they may just have sworn to all these things, not out of conviction, but because they were standing in a muddy field outside Piacenza surrounded by the now much smaller but still lethal army of Barbarossa.

We will see next week how all this pans out.

But before we do that, let me just talk a little bit more about Roman and German law.

There is no doubt that Barbarossa would have loved to extend the laws of Roncaglia to the entirety of his empire. But German legal traditions were fundamentally at odds with Roman law.

At around the same time in 1220-1230, Eike von Repgow will publish his Sachsenspiegel, or Saxon Mirror a collection of Saxon laws and customs as they had been passed down by his forefathers.

It does not cover all areas of the law but focuses on two areas, the Landrecht, which is the laws governing the interactions between free men and women. It is focused on topics like property rights, inheritance, family law and neighborhood disputes. The Landrecht also includes criminal law stipulating mainly compensation, so-called wergild for injuries.

The second part is the Lehnsrecht or feudal law. It determines the rights and obligations between the different layers of society starting with the king and going down to spiritual and secular princes, lords, free men of substance and other free men subject to feudal obligations.

And finally, it covers the courts, namely that the court is comprised of a jury of peers presided over by the king or a count.

You see the difference. Roman law is rationality versus Germanic law is tradition. Roman law is focused on issues in an urban society whilst Germanic law covers issues arising in a rural society. Roman law is applied by professional lawyers, Germanic law is applied by peers. In Roman law the emperor is above the law and makes the law, in Germanic law the king is subject to the law and new law arises from precedent and customs.

These two systems could not be more different.

We will get to hear more about Roman law and Germanic law traditions as we go along, but here are the broad outlines what happens.

Roman law will take hold in Italy and France. Once the school of Bologna stipulates that each king is the emperor in his own kingdom and hence can pass any law they like, the French Kings get on board. The Capetians found the university of Montpellier specifically to produce lawyers trained in Roman law to staff their administration. These professional lawyers even formed their own type of aristocracy, the Nobles of the Robe who controlled the high courts. After the revolution the concept of a rational and coherent code of law still appealed and leads to a modernized form of the Codex Juris, the Code Civil promulgated by Napoleon in 1804. The Code Civil is still in force in France and several other countries, obviously with modifications along the way.

In Germany, as always, the situation was a bit more muddled. Roman law and professional lawyers became an important tool for the princes to manage their territories. It ultimately became the law of the Empire and so formally reigned supreme. However, Germanic law and compilations like the Sachsenspiegel was not completely abolished. It was presumed to remain in force thanks to a privilege granted by Charlemagne, which almost certainly did never exist. That meant It could be applied to disputes between Saxons, but all cases involving non-Saxons or areas not covered by Germanic law, Roman law was dominant. In fact, the Sachsenspiegel was still cited as a source of law in 1932.

But ultimately German law ends up based mostly on Roman law foundations. When the Bürgerliche Gesetzbuch, the code of civil law was passed in 1900 its structure and content was heavily influenced by the codex civilis. For instance, Courts are judge centric and laymen are only involved in some parts of criminal law.

There is however one legal tradition where  Germanic law concepts still prevail. And that is English law. It is not that the Kings of England were unaware of Roman law. Absolutely not. Allegedly a copy of the Codex Civilis had come to Oxford as early as 1149 and many advisers and clergymen of the Plantagenet kings had been trained in Roman law.

According to Norman Cantor it was mostly an issue of convenience. England already had a functioning legal infrastructure with shire courts and hundred’s courts that would be difficult to replace. Moreover, these courts did a decent enough job as far as the king was concerned. They managed themselves, i.e., did not cost him much and transferred a steady stream of fines and court fees to the king. And as for the concept of an autocratic king as the source of all laws, that was hard to push through after Magna Carta and the provisions of Oxford. I mean one King tried but lost his head over the issue.

So, there you go. Germanic law traditions no longer apply in Germany but via English law are still in use in the US, Canada, Australia, many commonwealth countries and dominate the world of international trade.  And poor law interns still sweat over risks to Bulgarian chocolate factories through the night

As mentioned before, next week we will see how the Italian cities take the laws of Roncaglia. Spoiler alert, not well. And Barbarossa looses the moral high-ground when he accepts cash for conflict from the Cremonese. I hope you will join us again.

And in the meantime, if you feel like supporting the show or want to get hold of these bonus episodes, sign up on patreon.com/historyofthegermans. All the links are in the show notes.

Barbarossa conquers Milan for the first time

This week we will see Barbarossa try using his freshly minted army to take down the city of Milan, a city of 150,000 and the one commune that he needs to defeat if he really wants to establish imperial rule in Italy

Hello and welcome to the History of the Germans – Episode 54 – A Bohemian bluff

This week we will see Barbarossa try using his freshly minted army to take down the city of Milan, a city of 150,000 and the one commune that he needs to defeat if he really wants to establish imperial rule in Italy

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Last time we talked about Barbarossa’s efforts to put together a much larger force for his second Italian campaign. This force of 10,000 knights has now gathered and in July 1158 four separate armies set out for Italy. The duke Henry Jasomirgott of Austria, the duke of Carinthia and the fearsome 500 Hungarian horse archers come through the Val Canale, the far northeast of Italy. Franconian, Swabian and Rhineland forces come down the Septimer Pass straight on to Lake Como, Berthold von Zaehringen comes by the westernmost route through Burgundy and Barbarossa himself comes via the Brenner pass.

A mighty force indeed, but what was the plan? The plan was simple, Barbarossa wanted to make himself the ruler of Italy, a ruler even more powerful than Charlemagne or Otto the Great, a ruler who brings peace, law and order to Italy. Yes, I know…. The immediate objective was to bring Milan to heel, a city that had insulted imperial honour more than once and being the most powerful of the communes that needed to be subjugated if genuine control was to be established.

How this was to work the Italians were told well before the first warhorse was saddled and before the first oxcart rattled up the serpentines of the Alpine passes..

The reason they knew was simple, Barbarossa had let them know. His two best men, Otto von Wittelsbach and Rainald von Dassel had been in Italy since January rallying support for the emperor.

Otto von Wittelsbach you have already met. The most fearsome warrior of the time, he was the man you called if you needed somebody’s head smashed in. Rainald von Dassel was the ideal complement to the Bavarian Agrippa. Rainald was the man you called when you needed heads penetrated by thoughts rather than axes.

Rainald von Dassel was the second son of a rich count from lower Saxony and as such embarked on a career in the church. He advanced quickly and by 1157 was made imperial chancellor. This position has become increasingly important under Conrad III and now Barbarossa. He was in charge not just of the production of Imperial charters but would become one of the closest advisers of the Emperor. How important he was in setting the imperial agenda is one of the most hotly debated questions about Barbarossa’s reign. I will leave that open for now and we may come back to it later. What is clear is that von Dassel took a very strong pro-imperial, anti-papal stance. He firmly believed that the empire was equal in honour and standing to the papacy and that the emperor derives his authority not from the pope than from God himself. The Holy Empire may be one of his inventions. He appeared last episode when he translated “beneficum” as fief in the letter from Adrian IV that started the whole brawl with the cardinals.

He was of sharp intellect, well-educated and though we do not know where he acquired his education, had a thorough understanding of canon as well as Roman law.

So, these two, the imperial brawn and the imperial brain were down in Italy without an army just protected by the Imperial authority. They travelled from commune to commune and made the citizens and their consuls and senators swear an oath of allegiance to Barbarossa. Let me quote the entire oath to you because it gives you a great impression what is about to come. So here we go:

Quote “I swear that from this time forth I shall be faithful to my lord Frederick, the emperor of the Romans, against all men , as is my lawful duty to my lord and emperor, and I shall aid him to retain the crown of the empire and all his prerogatives in Italy, namely and specifically the city of X* and whatever jurisdiction he is entitled to have in it , or in his power over the county or bishopric of X*. I shall not deprive him of his royal rights here or elsewhere, and if they should be taken from him I shall in good faith aid him to recover and retain them. I shall be party to no plot or deed to cause him the loss of life or limb or honour or to be held in dire captivity. Every command of his, given me personally, or in writing, or through his representative rendering justice, I shall faithfully observe, and I shall by no evil means evade hearing or receiving or complying with it. All of these things I shall observe in good faith without deceit. So help me God and these four Gospels.” end quote.

This translation is by the way taken from John B. Freed’s recent biography of Frederick Barbarossa, the first biography in English and a really great one at that.

Let’s unpack this. What the communes swear here are two things. One is that they commit to help the emperor in his military operations in Italy. This is not unusual. We have seen before that emperors or kings of the Romans could rely on support from some Italian communes.

The second part, on  the face of it, does not seem to be anything new either. The commune promises to respect and if lost help recover his ancient rights. But then think about the context. These last 100 years the emperors had made no more than fleeting visits to Italy. Though they kept issuing charters to Italian counts, bishops, cities, nobles and monasteries, they did not exercise any actual power in Italy outside their occasional campaigns. The bishops were the ones who initially stepped into this vacuum and took on the rights and prerogatives of the emperor. Over time the communes took the rights away from the bishops. By the time Otto von Wittelsbach and Rainald von Dassel journey through Northern Italy the royal rights to markets, bridges, tolls, taxes and jurisdiction had been taken over by the communes and their elected leaders for decades.

With this oath the cities promise to return all the rights back to the emperor, subject themselves to imperial judgements and even promise to proactively help recovering these rights where they have been lost.

Apparently 57 Italian communes swore the oath and sent troops to the emperor. 57! Some like Cremona and Pavia were long time allies of the empire Then there is Verona which had been hostile for a long time and even Piacenza, an erstwhile staunch ally of Milan swear fealty. Modena, Ferrara and Mantua places further south who had stayed out of the way of the fighting sign up and even Rome, where just 3 years earlier Barbarossa’s knights had piled up the bodies sent soldiers to the imperial army. In total the Italians may have added 5000 knights and a lot more infantry to the campaign.

And that leaves you with one question, why on God’s wide earth did these proud communal leaders swear an oath of submission? These communes that did regularly fight each other with astonishing brutality over even the mildest indication of contempt for their rights, why would they subject themselves to imperial justice? Not only that but offer military assistance in his efforts to subject them?.

Several reasons spring to mind. The first was that Milan had become ever more aggressive after the emperor had returned home in 1155. They had again destroyed the barely rebuilt Lodi, overran Novara and built a new bridge over the Ticino River to attack and defeat their greatest enemy, Pavia. Meanwhile Brescia, an ally of Milan had attacked and defeated Bergamo. Altogether Milan had become disconcertingly powerful. And every time a city like Milan expands its territory it gains new neighbours and neighbours are by definition enemies. Hence even cities that were traditionally hostile to the empire may have given support for this campaign just to re-establish the balance of power.

The second consideration was the one that always applied to Italian campaigns, they do not last very long. Ever since anyone in Italy could remember the Germans never stayed more than 18 months. Signing some piece of paper that would keep these fearful warriors away for now was a cheap price to pay in particular when you can file this paper in the great dustbin in the sky once the emperor turns his horse towards the Brenner pass. And maybe you can get him to burn down your neighbour as well.

And there was a third reason. Barbarossa and his paladins Otto von Wittelsbach and Rainald von Dassel had gained a level of authority not seen in an imperial administration for a 100 years or more. Barbarossa’s success in unifying the chaotic kingdom north of the Alps did not go unnoticed, nor the respect he commanded amongst the kings of France, England and Hungary. Imperial PR has become clear, concise and convincing in part thanks to the brilliance of Rainald von Dassel. The military feats of Otto von Wittelsbach and others were the talk of all of Italy and they keep adding to them.

When the two envoys came down to Ravenna and encountered some senior citizens who they suspected of treason, Otto and Rainald immediately charged them with just 10 armoured riders though their opponents numbered 300 knights.  Otto and Rainald took many prisoners and Ravenna instantly caved and swore allegiance. So did Ancona despite the Byzantine garrison they hosted in their midst.

So, for the Italians all this was seen as a transitory thing. They would be good boys and girls for the time the emperor and his mighty warrior are in Italy and help putting Milan back in its place, but just wait until he and his fearsome friends are back home, then the gloves come off and the old games start again.

Barbarossa and his circle saw this very differently. They were coming to Italy to stay. The old kingdom of the Lombards was part of the now Holy Empire in the same way as Saxony and Lothringia are. And as in Saxony and Lothringia, it is now time to rebuild imperial authority. The offer was to be the same as it had been North of the Alps, peace and justice in exchange for obedience..

Barbarossa had seen the utter brutality of Italian warfare where cities aimed to wipe each other from the face of the earth, and concluded they must want peace even more than the Germans and hence should be prepared to give up even more rights to gain the security a strong emperor can procure.

As so often in world history, at the heart of the most persistent and vicious conflicts lies a misunderstanding. 12th century Italians are badass and have no interest in peace at all. What they care about is the freedom of their commune.

But before we get to this misunderstanding. Let’s talk about the thing everyone, or almost everyone agreed on, the reduction of Milan. Well obviously the Milanese did not agree.

Milan in 1158 is one of the largest, richest and definitely most powerful cities in Europe. Its population may now have risen to 150,000 almost near its preindustrial era peak of 200,000. All these numbers are rough estimates, but I go with Chris Wickham for the 200,000 estimate that makes Milan roughly twice the size of Genoa and Venice at the time and multiples larger than its closest neighbours and enemies, Pavia, Lodi, Novara and Como. The city is ancient, dating back to the time of the Roman republic, had been a capital of the empire and its former archbishop St. Ambrose has imbued it with a sense of episcopal superiority.

The territory of Milan is protected on three sides by rivers, in the east the Ticino, in the south  y the Po River and in the west by the Adda. In the North are the alps and the lakes, Lago Maggiore, Lago di Lugano and Lago di Como. Any attacker would first have to cross either the alps or the rivers to get into the Contado, the lands of Milan.

The city itself was surrounded by walls the emperor Maximian had erected between 285 and 305 when he took up residence there. The walls had six major gates, all still in Roman masonry. The Milanese army is estimated at 3,000 knight and 9,400 foot soldiers, so roughly a fifth of the size of Barbarossa’s forces. The city militia was divided into 6 units, each defending one of its six gates.

The centre and focal point of the communal armies was the carroccio. The carroccio is a sacred cart that carries a portable alter and a mast to fly the city’s battle flag. I will publish a picture on the histioryofthegermans.com website showing the carroccio of Milan. That thing was simply enormous.  Pulled by 8 oxen it carried a full-sized church alter with an enormous crucifix attached to the mast. On the mast the Milanese would fly the flag of St. Ambrose, the city saint who also happened to have been a bishop who stood up to the emperor Theodosius and won. The cart was the symbol of Milan and rallying point for the army should they get under pressure. Given it was an ox cart it was extremely slow and hard to manoeuvre, meaning that the army who defended it could not retreat unless it gave up the holy cart and giving up the holy cart was a no go. So, the armies of the communes would fight ferociously not yielding quarter. Big difference to the imperial standard bearer who sits on a fast horse and can turn tail when needed. If you asked me who was more committed, an army of German knights or an Italian Communal fighting unit, no question, the Italian Communes were way tougher.

The Milanese are aware that Barbarossa is coming, and they add a third line of defence on top of the rivers and the Roman walls. Under the guidance of their main siege engineer, Guintelmo the Milanese had dug a moat around the whole city and used the earth to create ramparts behind it. These ramparts were manned by the city militia. All in, Milan was an impressive defensive position.

Barbarossa’s army began now to arrive in Italy in late July.

The concept was to envelop the whole of the Milanese Contado. The three German army units that had come down with Barbarossa and Henry Jasomirgott were to occupy the eastern limits of the Milanese territory along the river Adda. The Italian communal allies were to hold the southern frontier along the Po River and Berthold von Zaehringen was coming from the west to occupy the frontline along the Ticino River.

The first to arrive in theatre were the Bohemians, sent ahead for logistics reasons. The army was simply too large to come down in one go. As the Bohemians waited in Veronese territory busying themselves with the occasional bit of logging in orchards and olive groves, the concerned citizens of Verona suggested to them to go over to the territory of Brescia and burn and pillage there, at least that was enemy territory. And that the Bohemians did as told – with great success. Brescia cancelled their alliance with Milan, paid some fine gold, swore the oath and even send soldiers to reinforce Barbarossa’s army.

The next issue was to get the army across the Adda, the first of the Milanese lines of defence. The Milanese had part destroyed all the bridges over the river, usually by taking out the central part. They did not want to completely destroy the bridges for obvious reasons. A party of Milanese knights followed the imperial army on the opposite side of the river, preventing any attempt to repair and cross the bridges.

Barbarossa split his army and left one detachment at the bridge at Trezzo whilst moving the bulk of the army further south to Cassano where there was another bridge. Milanese forces occupied the opposite sides of both bridges.

Under the cover of darkness, the king of Bohemia and his men travelled further south searching for a place to ford the river. The Adda comes straight from the Alps and the melted snow had turned the otherwise mellow stream into a torrent. Vladislaus and his men found what they thought was a suitable crossing and plunged in. Sixty of his men were swept away into certain death but the bulk of his forces managed to get across. They gallop up to Cassano and overwhelm the Milanese holding their side of the bridge. Now a race against time begins. Some of the Milanese had escaped and are alerting the main army who will come and crush the Bohemians, unless Barbarossa can get his men across in time. Bohemians and Germans are ferociously cutting timber, adding joists and laying planks to effect some repair. As soon as the construction looks viable men, horses and armour cross, but the bridge collapses again taking more men to their watery grave. Though they work through the night, by sunrise the bridge is still not finished, and the Bohemians are still not reinforced.

That is when the whole Milanese force arrives. Vladislaus knows that he is basically dead. There is no way he can get back over the river the way he had come, and his 1000 men have no chance against the Milanese army of 10,000. With the courage of the damned he lines up his men and marches to meet the enemy. The Milanese see the Bohemians coming but cannot see what is behind them. They conclude this must be the advance guard of the imperial army of 50,000 because who would be mad enough to fight odds of 10 to 1. The great host of St, Ambrose turns tail and runs back to where they had come from. Useful life hack, if you ever get invited to play poker with a guy called Vladislaus, don’t.

That same evening Barbarossa can finally cross the River Adda. They take the strategic castle and bridge at Trezzo as well and with that, the first line of defence has fallen.

Instead of immediately going up to the city, the army first goes down to Lodi which the Milanese had razed again during the absence of the emperor. The Lodese have finally realised that the current location of their city may not be that great with Milan burning it down all the time. So, they ask the emperor to find them a new and better place, which he did. On the 3rd of August 1158 Barbarossa founded new Lodi 5 miles east of the old place. Since the Milanese have not become any nicer to the people of Lodi over the centuries and the city is still where he suggested, he seemed to have had a good eye for city planning.

The other reason for the delay is that Barbarossa is keen to do things by the book this time. As the future ruler of Italy, he needs to appear fair and considerate. He maintains strict discipline in the army, keeps Germans and Italians separate, regulates prices merchants can charge the soldiers and prohibits women inside the camp.

Not only that, when some learned jurists point out that to make his war just, he needs to formally summon the Milanese to his court again and give them a chance to prevent the siege. The Milanese indeed appear and now that their first line of defence had fallen, try to end the war by offering presents and a form of penance to restore the imperial honour. Barbarossa and some of his princes are considering an early peace, if not because we are in August now and – as you know medieval Germans and Italian summer do not go well together. 

But the archbishop of Ravenna, Anselm von Havelberg, a great theologian, strict Premonstratensian and according to many a holy man, objects. The pious prelate insists that the Milanese cannot the trusted and that in revenge for all the cities and churches they had destroyed, they do not deserve any mercy.  They are to unconditionally surrender to imperial justice. Anselm carries the day and he gest his siege, a siege during which he dies. I am not making comment here, I do not want to be called condescending towards the church again, but.

On August 6th the army arrives before Milan. Despite an army larger than anything a northern ruler had yet brought to bear on a Lombard city, it was still not large enough to invest the whole of it. The army takes position outside the eastern gates of the city, the Porta Romana, Porta Tosa, Porta Orientale and Porta Nuova. The Milanese defend their gates for a month against an army 5x their own forces. The walls are old and as the chronicler Vinzenz of Prague said, the defenders relied more on their bravery than on their masonry. They nearly scored a success when they attacked the Swabians under the just 13 year old Frederick of Rothenburg who had to be rescued by the Bohemians.  This constant heroism of the Bohemians began to irritate the other princes and they redoubled their efforts. Otto von Wittelsbach, who else, broke through to the Porta Nuova and began burning the wooden gates, but the city militia finally pushed him back.

One of the most curious defensive structures was the Arco Romano, a four-sided triumphal arch positioned 600 meters in front of the Porta Romana. The Milanese had placed a suicide squad of forty men inside the 500 year old structure. These guys were a real problem as they could rain down arrows on the army camped outside the Porta Romana. The Arco had to fall and so engineers from Cremona began to undermine the construction in order to bring the arc and the men down. Fear of collapse or  arrows from below that occasionally hit the brave fighters finally forced them to surrender. The imperial allies erected a stone catapult, a petrary on top of the arch that hurled stones into the city. The Milanese retaliated with their own trebuchet that succeeded in destroying the one on the Arco Romano.

You see, warfare in Italy was a lot more sophisticated. The sources dedicated praise not just to valiant knights but more and more to crafty engineers.

But all that sophistication did not bring Milan down. What turned the tide in favour of the holy emperor was old school torched earth tactics. The Kaiser’s troops and sometimes he himself would raid the western side of the city and far and wide into lands of Milan. That forced the peasants and their livestock into the overpopulated city. The place began to fill up with dirt and animal carcasses which bred disease. The more reasonable citizens of Milan concluded that this could become really unpleasant and decided to sue for peace.

By August 14th, 2 days after the death of the bellicose bishop negotiations began and by 1st of September a formal peace agreement was concluded. The agreement attempted to balance the interests of Milan to retain the independence of its commune with the imperial claim to true lordship over Italy.

The main terms were as follows:

  • Milan promises to leave Como and Lodi alone and recognize their independence
  • All citizens between the ages of fourteen and seventy swear allegiance to the emperor
  • The city pays a fine of 9,000 marks in gold, silver or coin
  • The city had to release its prisoners and provide 300 hostages, 150 of which can be taken across the alps

So far so normal, but now come the more contentious sections:

  • The city will build the emperor a palace inside the walls, which basically means the emperor gets a fortified castle in their midst.
  • Imperial legates were given the right to “hear cases”, i.e, administer justice “for the honour of the empire”. Not sure what that exactly means, but if I was Milanese, I would fear a term so flexible could lead to full imperial control of the judiciary.
  • And finally, the empire regains all regalia that had been alienated since the time of Otto the Great, these are the right to mint coins, market tolls, transit tolls, gate tolls and all ancient rights associated with the county. Any dispute about regalia was to be heard before an imperial court.

As this was not an unconditional surrender, Milan was allowed to retain some privileges. Namely they were allowed to elect their consuls though these needed imperial approval and had to personally come and swear allegiance. And Milan was allowed to retain its alliances with Tortona, Crema and Isola Comecina.

After the signing of the agreement comes the ceremonial capitulation and restoration into Frederick’s grace.  That took place on September 8th outside the Porta Romana in the great imperial tent, a tent Barbarossa had received as a present from King Henry II of England. These tents were often huge and highly decorated. The original obviously no longer exists but there is an ottoman sultan’s tent in the royal palace in Dresden that can give an impression of what this one could have looked like. It is 20 meters long and 5 meters high, its inside embroidered with a paradise garden. It is so large that it took 35 restorers six years to recreate the original impression.

Inside the tent sit Barbarossa and the King of Bohemia in the full splendour of their ceremonial robes wearing their crowns. 

The first to arrive are the archbishop and the clergy of Milan carrying crosses, liturgical books, and censors wearing their vestments. The archbishop is greeted with the kiss of peace and allowed to take his place amongst the other archbishops.

Then follow twelve consuls of Milan. In dishevelled garb, barefoot and bearing drawn swords upon their necks they approach. One of them, Obertus ab Orto addresses the emperor “we have sinned, we have acted unjustly, we beg for forgiveness. Our necks which we bow to your lordship and sword, are those of all Milanese; and with these swords, all our weapons are subject to imperial power”.

Frederick then takes each consul’s sword off their necks, hands it to a servant and receives them back into his grace.

This is another of these great medieval stage shows. Yes, the consuls have formally declared their submission to the emperor’s sword, i.e., have allowed him to have them decapitated right there. But that was never going to happen. The two sides had negotiated every single move in detail. They debated whether the Consuls could wear shoes, which was denied, but they were relieved form having to completely prostrate themselves before the emperor.

The archbishop of Milan concludes proceeding by saying mass under the Ambrosian rites, a special liturgy only performed in Milan in commemoration of its great bishop.

Though terms are harsh, they are not a complete humiliation and the final act, the ambrosian mass was an olive branch to the great city. With Milan submitting to his rule, its allies also fell in line and Barbarossa could now truly call himself king of the Lombards, the first time since probably Henry III any emperor could.

He dismisses most of the army and begins preparations for the next act in the process of cementing control over the Southern part of the empire, the laws of Roncaglia. But those will have to wait until next week. For now, we leave him enjoying the autumn sunshine in Italy, the richest land in Europe he had fully subdued in just three months, or so he thinks. See you next week.

And in the meantime, if you feel like supporting the show or want to get hold of these bonus episodes, sign up on patreon.com/historyofthegermans. All the links are in the show notes.

xxx